Hong Kong Autonomy Movement

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Hong Kong Autonomy Movement Flag,[citation needed] largely based on the original Hong Kong Flag

Hong Kong Autonomy Movement (Chinese: 香港自治運動), sometimes Hong Kong City State Autonomous Movement, is a movement formed in Hong Kong amidst the raising awareness about Hong Kong's constitutional rights of high autonomy, free from interference of PRC government, as stipulated in Hong Kong Basic Law Article 2 and Article 22.

The Movement runs on the basis of the book "香港城邦論" (roughly translates into "Hong Kong City-State Theory") by Hong Kong scholar Chin Wan, in which Chin argues that Hong Kong possesses the characteristics of a city-state.

The Movement advocates that, under the principles of the Hong Kong Basic Law and one country, two systems, Hong Kong may enjoy the right to autonomy, subject to it not advocating or suggesting an independent Hong Kong.[citation needed] Chin Wan is the movement's advocate and consultant. Allied scholars and cultured individuals include former Wan Chai District Council members Kam Pui-wai, Ada Ying-kay Wong; Hong Ko-fung, Chip Tsao, Chau Siu-cheung, etc.

Goals

Hong Kong Autonomy Movement Flags at 1 July 2011 March
  • Universal suffrage, allowing a fully democratically elected Chief Executive and Legislative Council.
  • Ensure the Hong Kong government's policy-making does not stray from the goal of securing the long term interests of Hong Kong people.
  • Implement long-term planning for housing and property policies, ensuring Hong Kong people adequate access to housing.
  • Revive Hong Kong's agriculture and industries.
  • Reconfigure Hong Kong's migration policy, taking back the power of immigration approval from Mainland China.
  • Reflect on the implementation of the Hong Kong Basic Law, and perfect the constitutional process.
  • Defense of the Hong Kong City-State. Reject "Mainlandising" policies such as the Co-ordinated Development of the Greater Pearl River Delta Townships Scheme, and the "brainwashing" of pro-Communist moral and national education.
  • Create a Hong Kong languages policy, defending Hong Kong's culture.
  • Reflect on currency and monetary policies, reinforcing financial autonomy.

Difference from nativism

In the West, nativism opposes all new foreign immigrants and newcomers, Hong Kong Autonomy Movement proponents claim to support equal rights for people of different races and foreign origin, and advocate to eliminate the inequality of rights between ethnic Chinese and foreigners, including birth rights, residency rights and election rights. [1]

Historic background

In the latter half of May 2011, scholar Chin Wan pointed out that the Tiananmen massacre triggered the Hong Kong People's "Fear of China", and that Hong Kong's pan-democracy camp suggested a "Democratic Resistance against Communism" approach to calm the population. However, the Five Constituencies Referendum failed to advance democracy in the territory, and Chin accuses the Democratic Party of Hong Kong of taking no action other than chant slogans, such as "build a democratic China", and calling for the political rehabilitation of the Tiananmen massacre, failing to act in the best interests of Hong Kong, effectively submitting to the Chinese Communist Party. He also criticized the Individual Visit Scheme and the Moral and national education curriculum as signs of loss of local values and mainland invasion.[2] Chin Wan said, (translation) "The Chinese communist government is not afraid of a group of Hong Kong people that begs pitifully for democracy, they have become contemptuous, and no longer bother with even a perfunctory gesture." He believed that without an overt goal of Hong Kong autonomy, there is no hope for the Hong Kong populace, and the democratic movement would not last. He urges Hong Kong to be determined in its pursuit of autonomy, fortifying Hong Kong's political foundation.[citation needed] On 30 May 2011, a Facebook page for the Hong Kong Autonomy Movement was created.

Philosophical basis of conflict

Chin states that the reason behind the escalating tensions between Mainland China and Hong Kong were due to Beijing's constantly relaxing restrictions on the Individual Visit Scheme, attempts at implementing the controversial National Education subject, writing off the history and standards from the British colonial era, leading to many Hong Kong people believing in the degradation of "one country, two systems". Beijing looks upon the culture of the colonial government and elements of Chinese culture preserved by the colonial government, such as Cantonese pronunciation and traditional Chinese characters, as well as local slang, as either relics of a past era, or colonial remnants that need to be actively eradicated. Even modern concepts of separation of powers, judicial independence, protections for human rights, that were introduced into Hong Kong by the colonial government, were seen as part of a tyrannical colonial rule, and are to be slowly forgotten, to facilitate the establishment of either a Chinese soviet or communistic system. Chin says that the Communist regime promised and yet continually denies Hong Kong people self-rule, and he therefore expects the tensions between Hong Kong and the Mainland to continue escalating. He said, (translation) "If the Hong Kong people do not resist, and the international community does not monitor this, Hong Kong will end up under "one country, one system". In other words, an illegal colonial rule by China. Whether this will come to be depends on if the Hong Kong people can awake and resist, pursuit universal suffrage and resist all illegal Chinese Communist interference according to the Basic Law. Hong Kong's Basic Law is concise, and is a very good 'mini-constitution', giving legal basis for resistance."[3]

Comments

Member of the National Committee of CPPCC Lew Mon-hung compared the Hong Kong Autonomy Movement to the Taiwan Independence Movement, and believes that the Hong Kong Autonomy Movement is covertly instigated and planned by the then Consulate General of the United States in Hong Kong, Stephen Young, in an attempt to split Hong Kong away from China.[4]

See also

References

  1. ^ 追求種族平等──沒有種族特權的社會。對比今日的香港,很多人竟忘了香港作為一個國際城市,理應是「香港人的香港」,而非「中國人的香港」,如今仍視非中國公民的香港人為「外國人」,或法例對非中國國籍者的歧視──如不得參選立法會議席(由直選到部份功能組別),很多香港人有如大陸的中國人般,把國籍、種族與香港永久居民身份不斷混淆,凡見非黃種的香港人,就常假定對方為「外人」,這其實才是真正的「排外」與「歧視」。[李光耀對香港的啟示  (時事評論員 林忌) http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/news/art/20150326/19090459]
  2. ^ Cheng, Joseph Yu-shek (2014). "The Emergence of Radical Politics in Hong Kong: Causes and Impact". China Review. 14 (1): 220. 
  3. ^ 香港年終回顧: 中港矛盾激化, 美國之音, 2013年02月10日
  4. ^ Lew Mon-hong, "指點江山:楊甦棣策動「香港自治運動」包藏禍心" Archived 20 September 2015 at the Wayback Machine.. Wen Wei Po, 29 August 2011
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