Hadrian

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Hadrian
Bust Hadrian Musei Capitolini MC817 cropped.jpg
Marble bust of Hadrian at the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Capitoline Museums.
14th Emperor of the Roman Empire
Reign 10 August 117 – 10 July 138
Predecessor Trajan
Successor Antoninus Pius
Born (76-01-24)24 January 76
Italica, Hispania (uncertain)
Died 10 July 138(138-07-10) (aged 62)
Baiae
Burial
  1. Puteoli
  2. Gardens of Domitia
  3. Hadrian's Mausoleum (Rome)
Spouse Vibia Sabina
Issue
Full name
  • Publius Aelius Hadrianus (from birth to adoption and accession)
  • Caesar Publius Aelius Traianus Hadrianus Augustus (as emperor)
Dynasty Nervan-Antonine
Father
Mother Domitia Paulina
Roman imperial dynasties
Nervo-Trajanic Dynasty
Nerva
Children
   Natural - (none)
   Adoptive - Trajan
Trajan
Children
   Natural - (none)
   Adoptive - Hadrian
Hadrian
Children
   Natural - (none)
   Adoptive - Lucius Aelius
   Adoptive - Antoninus Pius

Hadrian (/ˈhdriən/; Latin: Publius Aelius Hadrianus Augustus;[note 1][note 2] 24 January 76 – 10 July 138) was Roman emperor from 117 to 138. He is known for building Hadrian's Wall, which marked the northern limit of Britannia. He also rebuilt the Pantheon, constructed the Temple of Venus and Roma, and may have rebuilt the Serapeum of Alexandria. Philhellene in most of his tastes, he is considered by some to have been a humanist.

Hadrian was born Publius Aelius Hadrianus into a Hispano-Roman family. Although Italica near Santiponce (in modern-day Spain) is often considered his birthplace, [1] his actual place of birth remains uncertain. It is generally accepted that he came from a family with centuries-old roots in Hispania.[2] His predecessor, Trajan, was a maternal cousin of Hadrian's father.[3] Trajan did not designate an heir officially, but according to his wife Pompeia Plotina, he named Hadrian emperor immediately before his death. Trajan's wife and his friend Licinius Sura were well disposed towards Hadrian, and he may well have owed his succession to them.[4]

During his reign, Hadrian travelled to nearly every province of the Empire. An ardent admirer of Greece, he sought to make Athens the cultural capital of the Empire and ordered the construction of many opulent temples in the city. He used his relationship with his Greek lover Antinous to underline his philhellenism, and this led to the establishment of one of the most popular cults of ancient times. Hadrian spent a great deal of time with the military; he usually wore military attire and even dined and slept among the soldiers. He ordered rigorous military training and drilling and made use of false reports of attacks to keep the army on alert.

On his accession to the throne, Hadrian withdrew from Trajan's conquests in Mesopotamia, Assyria and Armenia, and even considered abandoning Dacia. Late in his reign he suppressed the Bar Kokhba revolt in Judaea, renaming the province Syria Palaestina. In 138 Hadrian adopted Antoninus Pius on the condition that he adopt Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus as his own heirs. They would eventually succeed Antoninus as co-emperors. Hadrian died the same year at Baiae.[5]

Early life

Hadrian was born Publius Aelius Hadrianus in either Italica (near modern Seville) in the province of Hispania Baetica[6] or Rome,[7] to a well-established Roman family with centuries-old roots in Italica. His biography in the Historia Augusta states that he was born in Rome on 24 January 76 to an ethnically Hispanic family with vague paternal links to Italy, though this may be a complimentary fiction coined to make Hadrian appear a natural-born Roman instead of a provincial whose parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents were born and raised in Hispania.[8] It was general knowledge that Hadrian and his predecessor Trajan were – in the words of Aurelius Victor – "aliens", people "from the outside" (advenae).[9]

Hadrian's father was Publius Aelius Hadrianus Afer, who as a senator of praetorian rank would have spent spend much of his time in Rome.[10] Hadrian's known paternal ancestry can be partly linked to a family from Hadria (modern Atri), an ancient town in Picenum, Italy. This family had settled in Italica soon after its founding by Scipio Africanus several centuries before Hadrian's birth. Hadrian's father, Afer, and his paternal cousin, the Emperor Trajan, were both born and raised in Hispania. Hadrian's mother was Domitia Paulina, daughter of a distinguished Hispano-Roman senatorial family from Gades (Cádiz).[11]

Hadrian's elder sister and only sibling was Aelia Domitia Paulina, married to Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus, who was consul three times. Hadrian also had a niece, Julia Serviana Paulina, and a great-nephew, Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator, from Barcino (Barcelona). In 86, when Hadrian was ten years old, his parents died, and he became a ward of both Trajan and Publius Acilius Attianus (who was later Trajan's Praetorian prefect).[11] Hadrian was schooled in subjects appropriate to young Roman aristocrats; he was so fond of Greek literature that he was nicknamed Graeculus ("Greekling"). When Hadrian was 14, Trajan recalled him and looked after his development. Hadrian never returned to Italica although it was later made a colonia in his honour.[12]

Public service

Hadrian's first official post was as a judge at Rome's Inheritance court, one among many vigintivirate offices at the lowest level of the cursus honorum ("course of honours") that could lead to higher office and a senatorial career. He then served as a military tribune, first with the Legio II Adiutrix in 95, then with the Legio V Macedonica. During Hadrian's second stint as tribune, the frail and aged reigning emperor Nerva adopted Trajan as his heir; Hadrian was dispatched to give Trajan the news- or most probably was one of many emissaries charged with this same commission.[13] Then he was transferred to Legio XXII Primigenia and a third tribunate.[14] Hadrian's three tribunates gave him some career advantage. Most scions of the older senatorial families might serve one, or at most two military tribunates as prerequisite to higher office.[15][16] When Nerva died in 98, Hadrian is said to have hastened to Trajan, to inform him ahead of the official envoy sent by the governor, Hadrian's brother-in-law and rival Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus.[17]

In 101, Hadrian was back in Rome, and stood for higher public office; he was elected quaestor, then quaestor imperatoris Traiani, liaison officer between Emperor and the assembled Senate, to whom he read the Emperor's communiques and speeches – which he possibly composed on the emperor's behalf. In his role as imperial ghostwriter, Hadrian took the place of the recently deceased Licinius Sura, Trajan's all powerful friend and kingmaker.[18]His next post was as ab actis senatus, keeping the Senate's records.[19] During the First Dacian War, Hadrian took the field as a member of Trajan's personal entourage, but was excused from his military post to take office in Rome as Tribune of the Plebs, in 105. After the war, he was probably elected praetor.[20] During the Second Dacian War, Hadrian was in Trajan's personal service again, but was released to serve as legate of Legio I Minervia, then as governor of Lower Pannonia in 107, tasked with "holding back the Sarmatians".[21][22]

Now in his mid-thirties, Hadrian travelled to Greece; he was eponymous archon in Athens for a brief time (in 112), and was elected an Athenian citizen.[23] The Athenians awarded him a statue with an inscription in the Theater of Dionysus ( IG II2 3286) offering a detailed account of his cursus honorum thus far.[24][25] Thereafter no more is heard of him until Trajan's Parthian War. It is possible that he remained in Greece until his recall to the imperial retinue.[21]

Hadrian joined Trajan's expedition against Parthia as a legate;[26] he seems to have achieved nothing of note in the post. However, when the governor of Syria was sent to deal with renewed troubles in Dacia, Hadrian was appointed his replacement, with independent command.[27] Trajan became seriously ill, and took ship for Rome, while Hadrian remained in Syria, de facto general commander of the Eastern Roman army.[28] Trajan got as far as the coastal city of Selinus, in Cilicia; he was too ill to travel any further. He died there, on 8 August, and was later deified; he would be regarded as one of Rome's most admired, popular and best emperors.

Succession

While Trajan lived, Hadrian's status as emperor-in-waiting would have been far from certain. Trajan might have deferred any clear nomination of a successor because there were so many potential claimants. On the one hand, failure to nominate an heir could invite chaotic, destructive wresting of power by a succession of competing claimants - a civil war. On the other hand, the definite choice of an heir could be seen as an abdication, and reduce the chance for an orderly transmission of power.[29] As Trajan lay dying, nursed by his wife, Plotina, and closely watched by Prefect Attianus, he could have settled the matter by lawfully adopted Hadrian as heir, by means of a simple deathbed wish, expressed before witnesses.[30] However, the adoption document, signed not by Trajan but by Plotina, was dated the day after Trajan's death.[31] Hadrian was still in Syria; this represented a further irregularity; Roman adoption law required the presence of both parties at the ceremony. Rumours, doubts, and speculation attended Hadrian's adoption and succession. It has been suggested that Trajan's young manservant Phaedimus, who died very soon after Trajan, was killed (or killed himself) rather than face awkward questions.[32] Ancient sources are divided on the legitimacy of Hadrian's adoption: Dio Cassius saw it as bogus and the Historia Augusta writer as genuine.[33] An aureus minted early in Hadrian's reign represents the official position; it presents Hadrian as a "Caesar" (meaning an heir designate).[34]

A relief scene on Trajan's Column in Rome, 2nd-century monument attributed to Apollodorus of Damascus (monochrome graphics by Conrad Cichorius), showing a Roman legion storming a Dacian fortress during Trajan's Dacian Wars

Relationship with Trajan and his family

Hadrian's connections to Trajan's female relatives offered him advantage as a potential successor to Trajan. Around the time of his quaestorship, he had married Trajan's grandniece, Vibia Sabina, perhaps at the suggestion of the empress Plotina. Plotina's investment in Hadrian's future career might have been motivated by her wish to avoid the political oblivion that befell her older contemporary, former empress Domitia Longina.[35] Plotina was a highly cultured woman with philosophical leanings; she and Hadrian shared political and intellectual interests, including the idea of the Roman Empire as a commonwealth with an underlying Hellenic culture.[36]

Appointing Hadrian as Trajan's successor meant that on Trajan's death, imperial power would remain in the hands of Trajan's extended family. Hadrian counted on Plotina's support, and that of his mother in law, Trajan's niece Salonina Matidia, [37] the daughter of Trajan's sister Ulpia Marciana.[38] When Ulpia Marciana died, in 112, Trajan had her deified, and her daughter Salonina Matidia made an Augusta.[39] Trajan himself seems to have been less than enthusiastic about marrying his grandniece to Hadrian; with good reason, as it turned out. The couple's relationship would prove itself scandalously poor, even for a marriage of convenience.[40]

Hadrian had tried to curry favor with Trajan by all means available, which included sharing in Trajan's bouts of heavy drinking.[41] Nevertheless, sometime around his marriage to Sabina, he was involved in some unexplained quarrel over his relationships with Trajan's boy favourites,[42] whom he had supposedly tried to groom.[43] All these circumstances might explain an apparent downturn in Hadrian's fortunes late in Trajan's reign; he failed to achieve a senior consulship, being only suffect consul for 108.[44] Hadrian thus achieved parity of status with other members of the senatorial nobility – but not much else;[45] he held no particular distinction befitting an heir designate.[46] Had Trajan wished it, he could have promoted his protege to patrician rank and its privileges, which included opportunities for a fast track to consulship without for prior experience as tribune; but he chose not to.[47] Although Hadrian was made Tribune of the Plebs a year earlier than was customary, and was promoted to praetorian rank, he was consistently excluded from Trajan's innermost circle of advisers.[48] The Historia Augusta describes Trajan's gift to Hadrian of a diamond ring that Trajan himself had received from Nerva, "and by this gift he [Hadrian] was encouraged in his hopes of succeeding to the throne".[49][50] While Trajan actively promoted Hadrian's advancement, he did so in a measured, careful way.[51]

Bust of Emperor Trajan wearing the civic crown and the aegis, symbol of divine power and world domination, Glyptothek, Munich

Emperor (117)

Securing power

The Roman Empire in 125, under the rule of Hadrian
Castel Sant'Angelo, the ancient Hadrian Mausoleum
This famous statue of Hadrian in Greek dress was revealed in 2008 to have been forged in the Victorian era by cobbling together a head of Hadrian and an unknown body. For years, the statue had been used by historians as proof of Hadrian's love of Hellenic culture.[52]

Official recognition of Hadrian as legitimate heir came too late to dissuade other potential claimants.[53] Hadrian's greatest rivals were Trajan's closest friends, the most experienced and senior members of the imperial council, compared to whom Hadrian was an equestrian upstart.[54] According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian informed the Senate of his accession in a letter as a fait accompli, claiming that "the unseemly haste of the troops in acclaiming him emperor was due to the belief that the state could not be without an emperor".[55] The Senate endorsed the acclamation. Various public ceremonies were organized on Hadrian's behalf, celebrating his elevation as emperor by the will of all the gods, who included the now deified Trajan.[56]

Statue of Hadrian unearthed at Tel Shalem commemorating Roman military victory over Bar Kochba, displayed at the Israel Museum

Hadrian remained in the east for a while, suppressing the Jewish revolt that had broken out under Trajan. He sheared Judea's governor, the outstanding Moorish general and potential rival Lusius Quietus, of his personal guard of Moorish auxiliaries;[57][58] then he moved on to quell disturbances along the Danube frontier. In Rome, Attianus, Hadrian's former guardian, took charge on Hadrian's behalf. He claimed to have uncovered a conspiracy involving four leading senators, including Lusius Quietus; he demanded their deaths.[59] There was no public trial – they were hunted down and killed out of hand.[59]

The nature of the alleged conspiracy remains unclear but modern sources point out that those executed may have been seen as "Trajan's men";[59] any one of whom might be a prospective candidate for the imperial office (capaces imperii);[60] they may have been leading figures of a senatorial faction committed to Trajan's expansionist policies, which Hadrian intended to change.[61] One of their number was Aulus Cornelius Palma who as a former conqueror of Arabia Nabatea would have retained a stake in Trajan's expansionist Eastern policy.[62] Hadrian's consistent refusal to expand Rome's frontiers was to remain a bone of contention between him and the Senate throughout his reign.[63] The Historia Augusta describes Palma and a third executed senator, Lucius Publilius Celsus (consul for the second time in 113), as Hadrian's personal enemies, who had spoken in public against him.[64] The fourth was Gaius Avidius Nigrinus, an ex-consul, intellectual, friend of Pliny the Younger and (briefly) Governor of Dacia at the start of Hadrian's reign.[65] Hadrian claimed that Attianus had acted on his own initiative, then rewarded him with senatorial status and consular rank; but later discarded him, finding his ambition suspect.[66]

A denarius of Hadrian issued in 119 AD for his third consulship

The executions of such high ranking senators without due process of law strained Hadrian's relations with the Senate for his entire reign.[67] This tense relationship – and Hadrian's authoritarian stance towards the Senate – was acknowledged one generation later by Fronto, himself a senator, who wrote in one of his letters to Marcus Aurelius that "I praised the deified Hadrian, your grandfather, in the senate on a number of occasions with great enthusiasm, and I did this willingly, too [...] But, if it can be said – respectfully acknowledging your devotion towards your grandfather – I wanted to appease and assuage Hadrian as I would Mars Gradivus or Dis Pater, rather than to love him."[68] Fronto even adds, in another letter, that he kept some friendships, during Hadrian's reign, "under the risk of my life" (cum periculo capitis).[69]

The strained relationship between Hadrian and the Senate never took the form of an overt confrontation as had happened during the reigns of overtly "bad" emperors. Hadrian knew how to remain aloof to avoid an open clash.[70] The Senate's political role was effaced behind Hadrian's personal rule (in Ronald Syme's view. Hadrian "was a Führer, a Duce, a Caudillo").[71] The fact that Hadrian spent half of his reign away from Rome in constant travel undoubtedly helped the management of this strained relationship.[72] Hadrian underscored the autocratic character of his reign by counting his dies imperii from the day of his acclamation by the armies, rather than the senate, and legislating by frequent use of imperial decrees to bypass the Senate's approval.[73] According to Syme, Tacitus' description of the rise and accession of Tiberius is a disguised account of Hadrian's authoritarian Principate.[74] According, again, to Syme, Tacitus' Annals would be a work of contemporary history, written "during Hadrian's reign and hating it".[75]

In 125, Hadrian appointed his close friend Marcius Turbo as his Praetorian Prefect. Whenever Hadrian was away from the city of Rome, Turbo represented by his interests there.[76] Turbo was a leading figure of the equestrian order, a senior court judge and a procurator.[77][78] Hadrian forbade equestrians to try cases against senators,[79] so the Senate retained full legal authority over its members, and remained the highest court of appeal. Formal appeals to the emperor regarding its decisions were forbidden.[80] Some sources, however, describe Hadrian's occasional recourse to a secret police force, the frumentarii[81] to discretely investigate persons of high social standing, including senators and his close friends.[82]

Travels

Statue of Hadrian in military garb, wearing the civic crown and muscle cuirass, from Antalya, Turkey

Hadrian was to spend more than half his reign outside Italy. Whereas previous emperors had, for the most part, relied on the reports of their imperial representatives around the Empire, Hadrian wished to see things for himself. Previous emperors had often left Rome for long periods, but mostly to go to war, returning once the conflict was settled. Hadrian's near-incessant travels may represent a calculated break with traditions and attitudes in which the empire was a purely Roman hegemony. Hadrian sought to include provincials in a commonwealth of civilized peoples and a common Hellenic culture under Roman supervision.[83] He supported the creation of provincial towns (municipia), semi-autonomous urban communities with their own customs and laws, rather than the imposition of new Roman colonies with Roman constitutions.[84] The cosmopolitan, ecumenical intent of Hadrian's travels is evident in coin issues of his later reign, showing the emperor "raising up" the personifications of various provinces.[85] The Greek rhetorician Aelius Aristides later wrote that Hadrian "extended over his subjects a protecting hand, raising them as one helps fallen men on their feet".[86]. All this did not go well with Roman traditionalists. The self-indulgent emperor Nero had enjoyed a prolonged and peaceful tour of Greece, and was criticised for abandoning his fundamental responsibilities as emperor. In the Historia Augusta, Hadrian is described as "a little too much Greek", too cosmopolitan for a Roman emperor.[87]


Britannia and the West (122)

Hadrian's Wall (Vallum Hadriani), a fortification in Northern England (viewed from Vercovicium).
Hadrian's Gate, in Antalya, southern Turkey was built to honour Hadrian who visited the city in 130.

Prior to Hadrian's arrival in Britannia, the province had suffered a major rebellion, from 119 to 121.[88] Inscriptions tell of an expeditio Britannica that involved major troop movements, inclding the despatch of a detachment (vexillatio), comprising some 3,000 soldiers. Fronto writes about military losses in Britannia at the time.[89] The Historia Augusta notes that the Britons could not be kept under Roman control; Pompeius Falco was sent to Britain to restore order, this is attested by coins of 119–120. In 122 Hadrian initiated the construction of a wall, "to separate Romans from barbarians".[90] It deterred attacks on Roman territory at a lower cost than a massed border army,[91] and controlled cross-border trade and immigration.[92]

Unlike the Germanic limes, built of wood palisades, Hadrian's Wall was primarily a stone construction.[93] Possibly to hasten its construction, the wall's width was narrowed in some sections from the original planned 12 feet (3.7 m) to 7 feet (2.1 m). The western third of the wall, from modern-day Carlisle, Cumbria to the River Irthing, was originally built in turf, and later rebuilt in stone. A broad, irregular ditch with adjoining mounds, known today as the Vallum, was dug to the south of the wall.[94]

Under Hadrian, a shrine was erected in York to Brittania as the divine personification of Britain; Coins were struck, bearing her image, identified as BRITANNIA.[95] By the end of 122, Hadrian had concluded his visit to Britannia. He never saw the finished wall that bears his name.

Hadrian appears to have continued through southern Gaul, stopping at Nemausus, where he may have overseen the building of a basilica dedicated to Plotina, who had recently died in Rome and had been deified at Hadrian's request.[96] Shortly before her death, Hadrian had granted Plotina's wish that the leadership of the Epicurean School in Athens be granted to a non-Roman candidate.[97] Matidia Augusta, Hadrian's mother-in-law, had died earlier, in December 119, and had also been deified.[98] The deification of these prominent female members of Trajan's family might be seen as an effort by Hadrian to buttress his legitimacy.[99] At around this time, Hadrian dismissed his secretary ab epistulis,[100] the historian Suetonius, for "excessive familiarity" towards the empress.[101] Also dismissed for the same alleged reason was Marcius Turbo's colleague as Praetorian Prefect, Gaius Septicius Clarus. Given Clarus' high office, the alleged reason for his dismissal could have been merely a pretext to remove him from office.[102] Hadrian spent the winter of 122/123 at Tarraco, in Spain, where he restored the Temple of Augustus.[103]

Africa, Parthia and Anatolia; Antinous (123–124)

Statue of Antinous (Delphi), polychrome Parian marble, made during the reign of Hadrian

In 123, Hadrian crossed the Mediterranean to Mauretania, where he personally led a minor campaign against local rebels.[104] The visit was cut short by reports of war preparations by Parthia; Hadrian quickly headed eastwards. At some point, he visited Cyrene, where he personally funded the training of young men from well-bred families for the Roman military. Cyrene had benefited earlier (in 119) from his restoration of public buildings destroyed during the earlier Jewish revolt.[105] The rebuilding continued until late in the reign; in 138 a statue of Zeus was erected with a dedication to Hadrian as Cyrene's "saviour and founder".[106]

When Hadrian arrived on the Euphrates, he personally negotiated a settlement with the Parthian King Osroes I, then inspected the Roman defences, then set off westwards, along the Black Sea coast.[107] He probably wintered in Nicomedia, the main city of Bithynia. Nicomedia had been hit by an earthquake only shortly before his stay; Hadrian provided fund for its rebuilding, and was acclaimed as restorer of the province.[108]

It is possible that Hadrian visited Claudiopolis and saw the beautiful Antinous, a boy destined to become his beloved. Sources say nothing about when Hadrian met him. There are depictions of Antinous that show him as a young man of 20 or so. As this was shortly before his death in 130 (the earliest date for which we can be sure of Antinous' being together with Hadrian) in 123 he would most likely have been a youth of 13 or 14.[108] It is possible that Antinous was sent to Rome to be trained as a page to serve the emperor and only gradually rose to the status of imperial favourite.[109] The actual history of their relationship is mostly unknown.[110]

With or without Antinous, Hadrian travelled through Anatolia. The route he took is uncertain. Various incidents are described, such as his founding of a city within Mysia, Hadrianutherae, after a successful boar hunt. (The building of the city was probably more than a mere whim – sparsely populated wooded areas such as the site of the new city were already ripe for development). Some historians dispute whether Hadrian did in fact commission the city's construction at all. At about this time, plans to complete the Temple of Zeus in Cyzicus, begun by the kings of Pergamon, were put into practice. The temple, whose completion had been contemplated by Trajan, received a colossal statue of Hadrian, and was built with dazzling white marble with gold thread. Cyzicus received the added honor of being declared a regional centre for the Imperial cult (neocoros), sharing it with Pergamon, Smyrna, Ephesus and Sardes[111] – something that offered the benefits of Imperial sponsorship of sacred games, attracting tourism, and stimulating private expenditure, as well as channelling intercity rivalry into a common acceptance of Roman rule.[112]

Greece (124–125)

Temple of Zeus in Athens
The Pantheon in Rome was rebuilt by Hadrian.

Continuing his tour, Hadrian arrived in the autumn of 124 in time to participate in the Eleusinian Mysteries. By tradition, at one stage in the ceremony the initiates were supposed to carry arms; this was waived to avoid any risk to the emperor. At the Athenians' request, he revised their constitution – among other things, a new phyle (tribe) was added bearing his name.[113] Also, a system of coercive purchases of oil was imposed on Athenian producers to ensure an adequate supply of the commodity; management of the system was left in the hands of the local Assembly and Council, appeals to the Emperor notwithstanding.[114] Athens also became the only provincial city to benefit from a regular supply of grain.[115] Hadrian also created two foundations to provide for the funding of Athens' public games, whenever there was no citizen wealthy enough (or willing) to sponsor them as a Gymnasiarch or Agonothetes.[116] Generally Hadrian preferred that civic expenditure by Greek notables should concentrate on buildings rather than on spectacles and competitions. In a letter to Aphrodisias he praised a requirement that high priests of the imperial cult donate funds to work on an aqueduct not to gladiatorial games.[117] Such aqueducts – associated with public fountains – nymphaea – were one of Hadrian's additions to the Greek urban landscape: besides Athens, where two such fountains were built, Argos also received a similar project.[118]

According to Eusebius, it was possibly at this time that Hadrian received an apology (i.e., a defense) of the Christian faith made by two Christians, Quadratus and Aristides. Apparently, Hadrian simply kept to Trajan's policy of passive tolerance, by which Christians should not be sought after, but sentenced only after due trial.[119] In a rescript addressed to the proconsul of Asia Minutius Fundanus and preserved by Justin Martyr, Hadrian laid down that accusers of Christians had to bear the burden of proof for their denunciations[120] on pain of being punished for calumnia (defamation).[121]

During the winter he toured the Peloponnese. His exact route is uncertain, but Pausanias reports of telltale signs, such as temples built by Hadrian and the statue of the emperor – in heroic nudity – built by the grateful citizens of Epidaurus[122] in thanks to their "restorer". He was especially generous to Mantinea, where he restored the Temple of Poseidon Hippios; this supports the theory that Antinous was in fact already Hadrian's lover because of the strong link between Mantinea and Antinous's home in Bithynia.[123] As this kinship between Mantinea and Bythinia was itself a mythological fiction of the kind used at the time for encouraging political alliances between polities, a more serious reason might exist for Hadrian's particular generosity.[124] Hadrian's buildings in Greece were no mere whims, as they followed a pattern of favoring old religious centers. Besides the temple at Mantinea, Hadrian restored other ancient shrines in Abae, Argos – where he restored the Heraion – and Megara.[125] This was a way of gathering legitimacy to Roman imperial rule by associating it with the glories of classical Greece – something well in line with contemporary antiquarian taste in cultural matters.[126] Pausanias credits Hadrian with restoring to Mantinea its ancient, classical name. It had been named Antigoneia since Hellenistic times, in honour of the Macedonian King Antigonus III Doson.[127]

This same idea of resurrecting the classical past under Roman overlordship was behind the possibility that, during his tour of the Peloponnese, Hadrian persuaded the Spartan grandee Eurycles Herculanus – the contemporary leader of the Euryclid family that had ruled Sparta since Augustus' day – to enter the Senate, alongside the Athenian grandee Herodes Atticus the Elder. The two aristocrats would be the first Greeks from Old Greece to enter the Roman Senate, as "representatives" of the two "great powers" of the Classical Age.[128] This was an important step in overcoming Greek notables' haughty disdain and their reluctance to take part in Roman political life.[129]

By March 125, Hadrian had reached Athens, presiding over the festival of Dionysia. The building program that Hadrian initiated was substantial. Various rulers had done work on building the Temple of Olympian Zeus over a time span of more than five centuries – it was Hadrian and the vast resources he could command that ensured that the job would be finished. He also initiated the construction of several public buildings on his own whim and even organized the building of an aqueduct.[130]

Return to Italy and trip to Africa (126–128)

Hadrian in armour, wearing the gorgoneion; marble, Roman artwork, c. 127–128 AD, from Heraklion, Crete, now in the Louvre, Paris

On his return to Italy, Hadrian made a detour to Sicily. Coins celebrate him as the restorer of the island, though there is no record of what he did to earn this accolade.[131]

Back in Rome, he was able to see for himself the completed work of rebuilding the Pantheon. Hadrian's villa nearby at Tibur, a retreat by the Sabine Hills, was also completed. At the beginning of March 127 Hadrian set off for a tour of Italy. Once again, historians are able to reconstruct his route by evidence of his hand-outs rather than from historical records.[131]

For instance, in that year he restored the Picentine earth goddess Cupra in the town of Cupra Maritima. At some unspecified time, he improved the drainage of the Fucine lake. Less welcome than such largesse was his decision in 127 to divide Italy into four regions under imperial legates with consular rank, who had jurisdiction over all of Italy excluding Rome itself, therefore shifting cases from the courts of Rome.[132] Actually, the four consulars acted as governors of the regions assigned to them. Having Italy effectively reduced to the status of a group of mere provinces did not go down well with Italian hegemonic feelings (especially with the Roman Senate),[133] and this innovation did not long outlive Hadrian.[131]

Hadrian fell ill around this time, though the nature of his sickness is not known. Whatever it was, it did not stop him from setting off in the spring of 128 to visit Africa. His arrival began with the good omen of rain ending a drought. Along with his usual role as benefactor and restorer, he found time to inspect the troops; his speech to the troops survives to this day.[134] Hadrian returned to Italy in the summer of 128 but his stay was brief, as he set off on another tour that would last three years.[135]

Greece, Asia, and Egypt (128–130); Antinous's death

Hadrian and Antinous – busts in the British Museum
Ruins of the Arch of Hadrian in Athens, Greece, near the Athenian Acropolis

In September 128, Hadrian attended the Eleusinian mysteries again. This time his visit to Greece seems to have concentrated on Athens and Sparta – the two ancient rivals for dominance of Greece. Hadrian had played with the idea of focusing his Greek revival around the Amphictyonic League based in Delphi, but by now he had decided on something far grander. His new Panhellenion was going to be a council that would bring Greek cities together. Having set in motion the preparations – deciding whose claim to be a Greek city was genuine would take time – Hadrian set off for Ephesus.[136] From Greece, Hadrian proceeded by way of Asia to Egypt. It is known from an inscription that he was probably conveyed across the Aegean with his entourage by one Ephesian, Lucius Erastus. Hadrian later sent a letter on Erastus' behalf to the Council of Ephesus, stating that he wanted to become a town councillor. Hadrian stated that he was willing to pay the honorary sum required for Erastus' entrance in the council, if the Ephesians regarded Erastus (who, as a merchant, was probably snubbed upon as unfit for civic prominence) worthy to fill such a position.[137]

In Egypt, Hadrian opened his stay by restoring Pompey the Great's tomb at Pelusium.[138] Hadrian also offered sacrifice to Pompey as a hero and composed an epigraph for the tomb. As Pompey was universally acknowledged as the conqueror of the Roman East, this restoration was probably linked to a need to reaffirm Roman Eastern hegemony after the recent disturbances there during Trajan's late reign.[139] Also in Egypt, a poem about a lion hunt in the Libyan desert by the Greek Pankrates witnesses for the first time that Antinous travelled alongside Hadrian.[140]

In October 130, while Hadrian and his entourage were sailing on the Nile, Antinous drowned. The exact circumstances surrounding his death are unknown, and accident, suicide, murder and religious sacrifice have all been postulated. Historia Augusta offers the following account:

During a journey on the Nile he lost Antinous, his favourite, and for this youth he wept like a woman. Concerning this incident there are varying rumours; for some claim that he had devoted himself to death for Hadrian, and others – what both his beauty and Hadrian's sensuality suggest. But however this may be, the Greeks deified him at Hadrian's request, and declared that oracles were given through his agency, but these, it is commonly asserted, were composed by Hadrian himself.[141]

It was at that time that Hadrian turned, by his personal initiative, the persona of Antinous – a low-status non-citizen Greek – into something far surpassing the usual imperial boy favourite and sexual interest.[142] Deeply saddened, Hadrian founded the Egyptian city of Antinopolis in his memory, and had Antinous deified – an unprecedented honour for one not of the ruling family.

Although Hadrian was criticized for the intensity of his grief over Antinous's death, his attempt at turning the deceased youth into a cult-figure found little opposition.[143] The cult of Antinous was to become very popular in the Greek-speaking world.[144] It has been suggested that Hadrian created the cult as a political move to reconcile the Greek-speaking East to Roman rule.[145] The existence of a copy, in Hadrian's villa, of the famous statue pair of the Tyrannicides, with a bearded Aristogeiton and a clean-shaven Harmodios, in a certain way linked the imperial favourite to the classical tradition of Greek love[146] in opposition to usual Roman distrust of Greek pederasty.[147] In Italy and the West, the cult also found supporters: in one inscription from Tivoli, Antinous was compared to the Celtic sun-god Belenos.[148]

Medals were struck with Antinous's effigy, and statues erected to him in all parts of the empire, in all kinds of garb, including Egyptian dress.[149] Temples were built for his worship in Bithynia and Mantineia in Arcadia. In Athens, festivals were celebrated in his honour and oracles delivered in his name. The site chosen for the city of Antinopolis (or Antinoe) was on the ruins of Besa, in the vicinity of Antinous's death-place.[150] The city was a proper Greek polis, which besides benefitting from an alimentary scheme similar to Trajan's alimenta,[151] also allowed its citizens the privilege of marrying members of the native population without disenfranchising themselves – proof that Hadrian intended, again, to use a local religious cult (in this case, an Egyptianized one) to integrate native populations into the celebration of Roman rule.[152] Antinous's cult differed from the previous imperial cult in that, instead of centring on worshipping the Emperor as a ruler, it involved the Emperor as well as his subjects in a common religious activity, thereby emphasizing a sense of shared community.[153] Eventually, it was very successful. As an "international" cult figure, Antinous had an enduring fame, far outlasting Hadrian's reign.[154] Local coins with his effigy were still being struck during Caracalla's reign, and he was invoked in a poem to celebrate the accession of Diocletian.[155]

Greece and the East; return to Rome (130–133)

Statue of Hadrian as pontifex maximus, dated 130–140 AD, from Rome, Palazzo Nuovo, Capitoline Museums

Hadrian's movements after the founding of Antinopolis on 30 October 130 are obscure. Whether or not he returned to Rome, he travelled in the East during 130/131, to organise and inaugurate his new Panhellenion, which was focussed on the Olympeion, his new temple to Zeus in Athens. Successful applications for membership involved mythologised or fabricated claims to Greek origins, and affirmations of loyalty to Imperial Rome, to satisfy Hadrian's personal, idealised notions of Hellenism.[156][157] Hadrian saw himself as protector of Greek culture and the "liberties" of Greece – in this case, urban self-government. It allowed Hadrian to appear as the fictive heir to Pericles, who supposedly had convened a previous Panhellenic Congress – such a Congress is mentioned only in Pericles' biography by Plutarch, whose sympathies to the Imperial order are well-known.[158]

Epigraphical evidence suggests that the prospect of "applying" to the Panhellenion raised less interest in the wealthier cities of Asia Minor, which were jealous of Athenian and European Greek preeminence.[159] Hadrian defined Hellenism in a narrow, archaising way. No Hellenistic foundations were admitted into the Panhellenion, as Hadrian defined "Greekness" in terms of classical roots alone.[160] The fact was that the old world of civic honours was long dead, something admitted even by Hadrian in a later (134) letter to the city of Alexandria Troas deciding that payment of local prizes and allowances to winners of athletic games should begin after the announcement of the victory, and not (as had been decided earlier by Trajan) upon the athlete's return to his hometown – proof that athletes had become professional and could not afford to break their "international" touring to receive a prize.[161] The German sociologist Georg Simmel remarked that the Panhellenion was based on "games, commemorations, preservation of an ideal, an entirely non-political Hellenism".[162]

Colossal portrait bust of the emperor Hadrian with a wreath of oak leaves (AD 117–138); pentelic marble, found in Athens, National Archaeological Museum, Athens

Hadrian and spent the winter of 131–32 in Athens, where he dedicated the Olympeion,[163] and probably remained in Greece or went East because of the Jewish rebellion, which broke out in Judaea in 132 (see below). Inscriptions make it clear that he took to the field in person against the rebels with his army in 133. He then returned to Rome, probably in that year and almost certainly – again, judging from inscriptions – via Illyricum.[164] This third and last trip to the Greek East produced much religious enthusiasm in the region centred around Hadrian, who received a personal cult as a deity and many monuments and civic homages, according to the religious syncretism at the time.[165]

Second Roman–Jewish War and Jewish persecution (132–136)

Coinage minted to mark Hadrian's visit to Judea
Porphyry statue of Hadrian discovered in Caesarea, Israel

In 130/131, Hadrian toured the East, bestowing honorific titles on many regional centres.[166] Palmyra received a state visit and was given the civic name Hadriana Palmyra.[167] Hadrian also bestowed honours on various Palmyrene magnates, among them one Soados, who had done much to protect Palmyrene trade between the Roman Empire and Parthia.[168]

In Roman Judaea Hadrian visited Jerusalem, which was still ruinous after the First Roman–Jewish War of 66–73. A midrashic tradition of doubtful reliability claimed that he initially seemed sympathetic, and planned to rebuild the city and its Temple,[169] but changed his mind when the Samaritans told him that this would prove a catalyst for sedition.[170][171] Another tradition has Hadrian deciding to build a temple to the Roman god Jupiter on the ruins of the Temple Mount[172] and other temples to various Roman gods throughout Jerusalem, including a large temple to the goddess Venus.[173]

Hadrian may have originaly planned to rebuild Jerusalem as a Roman colony – as Vespasian had done with Caesarea Maritima – with various honorific and fiscal privileges. The non-Roman population would have no obligation to participate in Roman religious rituals, but were expected to support the Roman imperial order; this is attested in Caesarea, where some Jews served in the Roman army during both the 66 and 132 rebellions.[174] It has been speculated that Hadrian intended to assimilate the Jewish Temple to the traditional Roman civic-religious Imperial cult; this had long been commonplace practise in Greece and other provinces.[175] The absorption of Judaism within a coherent religious whole might further underpin his autocratic legitimacy – a project devised earlier by Hellenized Jewish intellectuals such as Philo.[176] The neighbouring Samaritans had already integrated their religious rites with Hellenistic ones.[177] Strict Jewish monotheismn proved more resistant to Imperial cajoling, and then to Imperial demands.[178]

A tradition based on the Historia Augusta suggests that the revolt was spurred by Hadrian's abolition of circumcision (brit milah);[179] which as a Hellenist he viewed as mutilation.[180] The scholar Peter Schäfer maintains that there is no evidence for this claim, given the notoriously problematical nature of the Historia Augusta as a source, the "tomfoolery" shown by the writer in the relevant passage, and the fact that contemporary Roman legislation on "genital mutilation" seems to address the general issue of castration of slaves by their masters.[181][182][183] Hadrian had issued a rescript with a blanket ban on castration, performed on freeman or slave, voluntarily or not, on pain of death for both the performer and the patient.[184] Castration was legally put by Hadrian on a par with conspiracy to murder and accordingly punished on the terms of the Lex Cornelia de Sicaris et Veneficis.[185]

Relief from an honorary monument of Hadrian (detail), showing the emperor being greeted by the goddess Roma and the Genii of the Senate and the Roman People; marble, Roman artwork, 2nd century AD, Capitoline Museums, Vatican City

The notion of an "antisemitic" legislation by Hadrian is, therefore, possibly an anachronistic ("midrashic", in the words of a modern scholar) reading of ancient sources.[186] reading of ancient sources.

Other issues could have contributed to the outbreak of the war; tensions between the landless poor and incoming Roman colonists privileged with land-grants; and an undercurrent of messianism predicated on Jeremiah's prophecy that the Temple would be rebuilt seventy years after its destruction, as the First Temple had been after the Babylonian exile.[187] A massive anti-Hellenistic and anti-Roman Jewish uprising broke out in Judea, led by Simon bar Kokhba. The Roman governor Tineius (Tynius) Rufus asked for an army to crush the resistance; bar Kokhba punished any Jew who refused to join his ranks.[188] According to Justin Martyr and Eusebius, that had to do mostly with Christian converts, who opposed bar Kokhba's messianic claims.[189] The Romans seem to have been surprised by the ferocity of the uprising.[190]

Hadrian called his general Sextus Julius Severus from Britain, and brought troops in from as far as the Danube. Roman losses were very heavy. either an entire legion or its numeric equivalent of around 4,000.[191] Roman losses were so heavy that Hadrian's report to the Roman Senate omitted the customary salutation, "If you and your children are in health, it is well; I and the legions are in health."[192] The rebellion was quashed by 135. According to Cassius Dio, overall war operations in the land of Judea left some 580,000 Jews killed, and 50 fortified towns and 985 villages razed to the ground. Beitar, a fortified city 10 kilometres (6.2 mi) southwest of Jerusalem, only fell after a siege of three and a half years, at which time Hadrian prohibited the Jews from burying their dead. They were eventually afforded burial when Antoninus Pius succeeded Hadrian as Roman Emperor.[193] According to the Babylonian Talmud,[194] after the war Hadrian continued the persecution of Jews.

Roman inscription found near Battir mentioning the 5th and 11th Roman Legions

The rabbinical sources, however, seem more concerned with morals and religion than with conveying history.[195] Such writings are known occasionally to contain embellished accounts of the war and its aftermath,[196] claiming that Hadrian attempted to root out Judaism – which he saw as the cause of continuous rebellions – prohibited the Torah law, the Hebrew calendar and executed Judaic scholars (see Ten Martyrs). The sacred scroll was ceremonially burned on the Temple Mount. In an attempt to erase the memory of Judea, he renamed the province Syria Palaestina (the name was found in Herodotus' histories, recalling the Philistines - though by Roman times that had long since ceased to exist as a coherent ethnic or political enetity),[197] and Jews were barred from entering its rededicated capital. When Jewish sources mention Hadrian it is always with the epitaph "may his bones be crushed" (שחיק עצמות or שחיק טמיא, the Aramaic equivalent[198]), an expression never used even with respect to Vespasian or Titus, who destroyed the Second Temple.

Other modern scholars contend that Hadrian's strictures on circumcision, and his no-entry policy for Jews were poorly enforced, falling into abeyance with his death. Namely, Hadrian's legislation on castration was amended by Antoninus Pius of to allow Jews to circumcise their own sons (Jewish proselytism among male converts remaining forbidden).[199] In spite of the enslavement of Jewish war prisoners, and of their suffering high war casualties and wanton destruction, it has been proposed that Palestine remained predominantly Jewish in population, as well as its culture and religious life, a fact reflected by the completion of the Mishnah in the early Third Century (220 CE).[200] However, the Jerusalem Talmud, compiled in the 2nd and 3rd century CE, speaks of areas in Palestine that were at that time wholly supplanted by non-Jewish peoples, owing to the sparseness of its Jewish population.[201] Jerusalem remained a special case, since it was rebuilt as a purely Roman city – a circumstance of which later Christian authors like Eusebius took advantage to stress its character as a Christian city and worship centre.[202] Therefore, the extent of the punitive measures taken by Hadrian against the Jewish population remains a matter of continuing debate in present-day historiography.[203]

Hadrian renamed Jerusalem Aelia Capitolina after himself and Jupiter Capitolinus, the chief Roman deity. According to Epiphanius, Hadrian appointed Aquila from Sinope in Pontus as "overseer of the work of building the city", since he was related to him by marriage.[204] Hadrian is said to have placed the city's main Forum at the junction of the main Cardo and Decumanus Maximus, now the location for the (smaller) Muristan. After the suppression of the Jewish revolt, Hadrian provided the Samaritans with a temple, dedicated to Zeus Hypsistos ("Highest Zeus")[205] on Mount Gerizim.[206] The bloody repression of the revolt ended Jewish political independence from the Roman Imperial order.[207]

Military

Bust of Emperor Hadrian. Roman 117–138 CE. Probably from Rome, Italy. Formerly in the Townley Collection. Now housed in the British Museum, London

Apart from the Second Roman–Jewish War, Hadrian's reign was generally peaceful. Disturbances on the Danubian frontier early in his reign led to the killing of the governor of Dacia, Caius Julius Quadratus Bassus. The consular Avidius Nigrinus served briefly as governor until Hadrian chose the then equestrian governor of Mauretania Caesariensis, Q. Marcius Turbo for the position. Turbo had a long record of distinguished military service and, as he was not a senator, could not act as a potential rival to Hadrian.[208] Turbo was made joint governor of Dacia and Pannonia Inferior with the powers of a Prefect.[209]

Hadrian soon decided that all the parts of Dacia that had been added to the province of Moesia Inferior – that is, present-day Southern Moldavia and the Wallachian Plain[210] – were to be surrendered to the Roxolani Sarmatians, whose king Rasparaganus received Roman citizenship, client king status, and possibly an increased subsidy. This partial withdrawal was probably supervised by the governor of Moesia Quintus Pompeius Falco.[211] Hadrian's presence on the Dacian front at this juncture, implied by the unreliable Historia Augusta, is merely conjectural. Hadrian did not visit Dacia during his later travels, but included it in his subsequent monetary series of coins with allegories of the provinces. So Eutropius' notion that Hadrian contemplated withdrawing from Dacia altogether appears to be unfounded.[212] The partial withdrawal probably had to do with the fact that the holding of the Eastern Dacian plains under Roman control would be far too expensive (involving the raising and deployment of several cavalry units as well as a network of fortifications) and therefore that it was more reasonable to leave the plains to be policed by a client ruler.[213]

Hadrian had already surrendered Trajan's conquests in Mesopotamia, considering them indefensible. In the East, he contented himself with retaining suzerainty over Osroene, ruled by the client king Parthamaspates, once client king of Parthia under Trajan.[214] The threat of a new war with Parthia around 121 was averted when Hadrian succeeded in negotiating a peace. Late in his reign (135), an invasion of the Alani in Cappadocia, covertly supported by the king of Caucasian Iberia Pharasmanes, was successfully repulsed by Hadrian's governor, the historian Arrian.[215] He was a Greek intellectual and fellow student of Epictetus who had been appointed to the Senate by Hadrian and ruled Capadocia as imperial legate between 131 and 137.[216] After defeating the Alans, Arrian subsequently installed a Roman "adviser" in Iberia.[217] On all questions related to the Black Sea and the Caucasus, Arrian acted as Hadrian's chief adviser. Between 131 and 132 he sent Hadrian a lengthy letter (Periplus of the Euxine) on a maritime trip around the Black Sea, intended to offer relevant information in case of a Roman intervention.[218]

This abandonment of an aggressive policy was something which the Senate and its historians never forgave Hadrian: the 4th century historian Aurelius Victor charged him with being jealous of Trajan's exploits and deliberately trying to downplay their worthiness: Traiani gloriae invidens.[219] It is more probable that Hadrian simply considered the financial strain of a policy of conquests was something the Roman Empire could not afford. Proof of this is the disappearance during his reigns of two entire legions: Legio XXII Deiotariana and the famous "lost legion" IX Hispania, possibly destroyed during a late Trajanic uprising by the Brigantes in Britain.[220] Trajan himself may have acknowledged the Mesopotamian conquests as unsustainable, and abandoned their gains shortly before his death.[221]

The erection of permanent fortifications along the empire's borders (limites, sl. limes) strengthened the peace policy. The most famous of these is the massive Hadrian's Wall in Britain.[222] A series of mostly wooden fortifications, forts, outposts and watchtowers, the latter specifically improving communications and local area security, strengthened the Danube and Rhine borders. These defensive activities are seldom mentioned in literary records. The information that Hadrian built the wall in Britain can only be found, in the entire corpus of ancient authors, in his Historia Augusta biography.[223] However, Hadrian's military activities were, in a certain measure, ideological, in that they emphasized a community of interests between all peoples living within the Roman Empire, instead of an hegemony of conquest centred on the city of Rome and its Senate.[224]

To maintain morale and prevent the troops from becoming restive, Hadrian established intensive drill routines, and personally inspected the armies. Although his coins showed military images almost as often as peaceful ones, Hadrian's policy was peace through strength, even threat,[225] with an emphasis on disciplina (discipline), which was the subject of two monetary series. This emphasis on spit and polish was heartily praised by Cassius Dio, who saw it as a useful deterrent and the reason for the generally peaceful character of Hadrian's reign.[226] Fronto expressed other opinions on the subject. In his view, Hadrian liked to play war games and enjoyed "giving eloquent speeches to the armies" – like the series of addresses, inscribed on a column that he made while on an inspection tour during 128 at the new headquarters of Legio III Augusta in Lambaesis[227] – and not actual warfare.[228] In general, Fronto was very critical of Hadrian's pacifist policy, blaming it for the decline in the military standards of the Roman army of his time.[229] Hadrian systematised employing the numeri – ethnic non-citizen troops with special weapons, such as Eastern mounted archers – in low-intensity defensive tasks such as dealing with infiltrators and skirmishers.[230] Using the numeri was an economical way to avoid frequent deployment of the legions, which suffered from a dearth of recruits from Italy and other Romanized provinces.[231] Hadrian is also credited with introducing units of cataphracts (heavy cavalry) into the Roman army.[232]

Legal and social

Hadrian enacted, through the jurist Salvius Julianus, the first attempt to codify Roman law. This was the Perpetual Edict, according to which the legal actions of praetors became fixed statutes, and as such could no longer be subjected to personal interpretation or change by any magistrate other than the Emperor.[233][234] At the same time, following a procedure initiated by Domitian, Hadrian professionalised the Emperor's legal advisory board, the Prince's Counsel or consilia principis, which became a permanent body staffed by salaried legal aides.[235] By so doing, Hadrian developed a professional bureaucracy, consisting mainly of equestrians, replacing the earlier freedmen of the Imperial household,[236] that was to control the political field instead of the Senate's members.[237] This innovation marked the superseding of surviving Republican institutions by an openly autocratic political system.[238] Hadrian's bureaucracy was supposed to carry out the administrative functions not exercised earlier by the old magistrates, and objectively it did not detract from the Senate's position. The new civil servants were free men and as such supposed to act on behalf of the interests of the "Crown", not of the Emperor as an individual.[236] However, the Senate never accepted the loss of its prestige caused by the emergence of a new aristocracy alongside it, placing more strain on the already troubled relationship between the Senate and the Emperor that was to be a hallmark of the end of Hadrian's reign.[239]

Hadrian codified the customary legal privileges of the wealthiest, most influential or highest status citizens (described as splendidiores personae or honestiores), who held a traditional right to pay fines when found guilty of relatively minor, non-treasonous offences. Low ranking persons - alii ("the others"), including low-ranking citizens - were humiliores who for the same offences could be subject to extreme physical punishments, including forced labour in the mines or in public works, as a form of fixed-term servitude. While Republican citizenship had carried at least notional equality under law, and the right to justice, offences in Imperial courts were judged and punished according to the relative prestige, rank, reputation and moral worth of both parties; senatorial courts were apt to be lenient when trying one of their peers, and to deal very harshly with offences committed against one of their number by low ranking citizens or non-citizens. For treason (maiestas) beheading was the worst punishment that the law could inflict on honestiores; the humiliores might suffer crucifixion, burning, or condemnation to the beasts in the arena.[240]

A great number of Roman citizens maintained a precarious social and economic advantage at the lower end of the hierarchy. Hadrian found it necessary to clarify that decurions, the usually middle-class, elected local officials responsible for running the ordinary, everyday official business of the provinces, counted as honestiores; so did soldiers, veterans and their families, as far as civil law was concerned; by implication, all others, including freedmen and slaves, counted as humliores. Like most Romans, Hadrian seems to have accepted slavery as morally correct, an expression of the same natural order that rewarded "the best men" with wealth, power and respect. However, he also limited the punishments that slaves could suffer. Slaves could be lawfully tortured to provide evidence, but their masters could not lawfully put them to death unless guilty of a capital offence.[241] Masters were also forbidden to sell slaves to a gladiator trainer (lanista) or to a procurer, except as legally justified punishment.[242] Hadrian also forbade torture of free defendants and witnesses.[243][244] He abolished ergastula, private prisons for slaves in which kidnapped free men could also be kept.[245] When confronted by a crowd demanding the freeing of a popular slave charioteer, Hadrian replied that he could not free a slave belonging to another person.[246]

Notwithstanding his philhellenism, Hadrian behaved as a Roman civic traditionalist, enforcing traditional Roman etiquette among the honestiores; senators and knights were expected to wear the toga when in public. He imposed strict separation between the sexes in theaters and public baths; to discourage idleness, the latter were not allowed to open until 2.00 in the afternoon, "except for medical reasons".[247]


Personal and cultural interests

Hadrian on the obverse of an aureus (123). The reverse bears a personification of Aequitas Augusti or Juno Moneta

Hadrian liked to demonstrate his knowledge of all intellectual and artistic fields. Above all, he patronized the arts: Hadrian's Villa at Tibur (Tivoli) was the greatest Roman example of an Alexandrian garden, recreating a sacred landscape.[248]) In Rome, the Pantheon, originally built by Agrippa and destroyed by fire in 80, was completed under Hadrian in the domed form it retains to this day. It was highly influential to many of the great architects of the Italian Renaissance and Baroque periods.

From well before his reign, Hadrian displayed a keen interest in architecture and public works, but it seems that his eagerness was not always well received. For example, Apollodorus of Damascus, famed architect of the Forum of Trajan, dismissed his designs. When Hadrian's predecessor, Trajan, consulted Apollodorus about an architectural problem, Hadrian interrupted to give advice, to which Apollodorus replied, "Go away and draw your pumpkins. You know nothing about these problems." "Pumpkins" refers to Hadrian's drawings of domes like the Serapeum in his villa. The historian Cassius Dio wrote that, once Hadrian succeeded Trajan and became emperor, he had Apollodorus exiled and later put to death. The story is problematic; brickstamps with consular dates show that the Pantheon's dome was late in Trajan's reign (115), probably under Apollodorus's supervision.[249]

Hadrian wrote poetry in both Latin and Greek; one of the few surviving examples is a Latin poem he reportedly composed on his deathbed (see below). Some of his Greek productions found their way into the Palatine Anthology.[250][251] He also wrote an autobiography, which Historia Augusta says was published under the name of Hadrian's freedman Phlegon of Tralles. It was not, apparently, a work of great length or revelation, but designed to scotch various rumours or explain Hadrian's most controversial actions.[252] It is possible that this autobiography had the form of a series of open letters to Antoninus Pius.[253]

According to one source, Hadrian was a passionate hunter from a young age.[254] In northwest Asia, he founded and dedicated a city to commemorate a she-bear he killed.[255] It is documented that in Egypt he and his beloved Antinous killed a lion.[255] In Rome, eight reliefs featuring Hadrian in different stages of hunting decorate a building that began as a monument celebrating a kill.[255]

Hadrian's philhellenism may have been one reason for his adoption, like Nero before him, of the beard as suited to Roman imperial dignity; Dio of Prusa had equated the growth of the beard with the Hellenic ethos.[256]. Hadrian's beard may also have served to conceal his natural facial blemishes.[257] Most emperors before him had been clean-shaven; most who came after him were bearded, at least until Constantine the Great.[citation needed]

Hadrian was familiar with the Stoic philosophers Epictetus, and Favorinus, and with their works. During his first stay in Greece, before he became emperor, he attended lectures by Epictetus at Nicopolis.[258]

During Hadrian's time as Tribune of the Plebs, omens and portents supposedly announced his future imperial condition.[259] According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian had a great interest in astrology and divination and had been told of his future accession to the Empire by a grand-uncle who was himself a skilled astrologer.[260]

Poem by Hadrian

According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian composed the following poem shortly before his death:[261]

Animula, vagula, blandula
Hospes comesque corporis
Quae nunc abibis in loca
Pallidula, rigida, nudula,
Nec, ut soles, dabis iocos...
P. Aelius Hadrianus Imp.
Roving amiable little soul,
Body's companion and guest,
Now descending for parts
Colourless, unbending, and bare
Your usual distractions no more shall be there...

The poem has enjoyed remarkable popularity,[262][263] but uneven critical acclaim.[264] According to Aelius Spartianus, the alleged author of Hadrian's biography in the Historia Augusta, Hadrian "wrote also similar poems in Greek, not much better than this one".[265] T.S.Eliot's poem "Animula" may have been inspired by Hadrian's, though the relationship is not unambiguous.[266]

Final years

Bronze head of Hadrian found in the River Thames in London. Now in the British Museum.
Imperial group as Mars and Venus; the male figure is a portrait of Hadrian, the female figure was reworked into a portrait of Annia Lucilla (?); marble, Roman artwork, c. 120–140 AD, reworked c. 170–175 AD.

Hadrian spent the final years of his life at Rome. In 134, he took an Imperial salutation for the end of the Second Jewish War (which was not actually concluded until the following year). Commemorations and achievement awards were kept to a minimum, as Hadrian came to see the war "as a cruel and sudden disappointment to his aspirations" towards a cosmopolitan empire.[267] In 136, he dedicated a new Temple of Venus and Roma on the former site of Nero's Golden House. The temple was built in an Hellenising style, more Greek than Roman, and its double nature associated the worship of the traditional Roman goddess Venus with the worship of Roma – a goddess until then worshiped only in the provinces – in order to stress the universal nature of the empire.[268]

About this time, suffering from poor health, Hadrian turned to the problem of the succession. The Empress Sabina died probably in 136, after an unhappy marriage with which Hadrian had coped as a political necessity. The Historia Augusta biography states that Hadrian himself declared that his wife's "ill-temper and irritability" would be reason enough for a divorce, were he a private citizen.[269] That gave credence, after Sabina's death, to the common belief that Hadrian had her poisoned.[270] As befitted Hadrian's dynastic legitimacy, Sabina – who had been made an Augusta sometime around 128[271] – was posthumously deified.[272] The marriage was childless, so in 136 Hadrian adopted one of the ordinary consuls of that year, Lucius Ceionius Commodus, who took the name Lucius Aelius Caesar. He was the son-in-law of Gaius Avidius Nigrinus, one of the "four consulars" executed in 118, but was himself in delicate health. He was commended for his looks, at least;[273] but his reputation was more that "of a voluptuous, well educated great lord than that of a leader".[274] Various modern attempts have been made to justify this apparently unjustified choice, one of them – advanced by Jerome Carcopino – being that Aelius was Hadrian's natural son.[275] It has also been speculated that Hadrian was fully aware that Aelius would never outlive him, and that the adoption of an aristocrat scion with no blood ties to the Emperor[276] was a belated attempt to make amends for the episode of the four consulars, therefore aiming at a reconciliation with the powerful clan of old Italian families in the Senate.[86] Of the four consulars, Aelius' father-in-law Avidius Nigrinus had been Hadrian's chief rival for the throne, as a senator of highest rank, breeding, and connections, and as a Stoic. According to the Historia Augusta, early in his reign Hadrian had even considered making Nigrinus his heir apparent, before eventually deciding to get rid of this worthy opponent.[277]

Granted tribunician power and the joint governorship of Pannonia Superior and Pannonia Inferior – a commission that he discharged honorably, according to the Historia Augusta[278] – Aelius Caesar held a further consulship in 137, but died on 1 January 138.[279]

Following the death of Aelius Caesar, Hadrian next adopted Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus (the future emperor Antoninus Pius), who had served as one of the five imperial legates of Italy (a post created by Hadrian) and as proconsul of Asia. On 25 February 138 Antoninus received tribunician power and imperium. Moreover, to ensure the future of the dynasty, Hadrian required Antoninus to adopt both Lucius Ceionius Commodus (son of the deceased Aelius Caesar) and Marcus Annius Verus (who was the grandson of an influential senator of the same name who had been Hadrian's close friend; Annius was already betrothed to Aelius Caesar's daughter Ceionia Fabia). Hadrian's precise intentions in this arrangement are debatable.

Though the consensus is that he wanted Annius Verus (who would later become the Emperor Marcus Aurelius) to succeed Antoninus, it has also been argued that while he intended Ceionius Commodus, the son of his own adopted son, as successor, he was also obliged to favour Annius Verus as a kinsman.[280] Annius Verus was the step-grandson of the Prefect of Rome, Lucius Catilius Severus, one of the remnants of the all-powerful group of Spanish senators from Trajan's reign. Hadrian would likely have shown some favor to the grandson in order to count on the grandfather's support.[281] It is possible that Catilius Severus was the third and last husband of Hadrian's mother, Domitia Lucilla Major. As Lucilla Major's second husband, Publius Calvisius Ruso, was the father of Domitia Lucilla Minor, Annius Verus' mother, Lucilla Minor, would have been Hadrian's half-sister, and Annius Verus, therefore, his half-nephew.[282] By advancing Annius Verus, Hadrian would promote his own bloodline's fortunes. This possibility is not universally accepted ; Hadrian's mother was known, according to Historia Augusta, as Domitia Paulina.[283]

It may not have been Hadrian, but rather Antoninus Pius – Annius Verus's uncle – who supported Annius Verus' advancement; the latter's divorce of Ceionia Fabia and subsequent marriage to Antoninus' daughter Annia Faustina points in the same direction. When he eventually became Emperor, Marcus Aurelius would co-opt Ceionius Commodus as his co-Emperor (under the name of Lucius Verus) on his own initiative.[280] In his Meditations, written during his reign as emperor, Marcus Aurelius lists those to whom he owes a debt of gratitude; Hadrian is conspicuously absent.[284] Marcus' sympathies would have lain with the conservative, "serious", Roman outlook of Antoninus, not Hadrian's more open, "lewd", "Hellenic" outlook – including Hadrian's almost exclusive homosexuality.[285][286]

Hadrian's last few years were marked by conflict and unhappiness. His adoption of Aelius Caesar proved unpopular, not least with Hadrian's brother-in-law Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus and Servianus's grandson Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator. Servianus, though now far too old, had stood in the line of succession at the beginning of Hadrian's reign; Fuscus is said to have had designs on the imperial power for himself. In 137 he may have attempted a coup in which his grandfather was implicated; Hadrian ordered that both be put to death.[287] Servianus is reported to have prayed before his execution that Hadrian would "long for death but be unable to die".[288] During his final, protracted illness, Hadrian was prevented from suicide on several occasions.[289]

Death

Posthumous portrait of Hadrian; bronze, Roman artwork, c. 140 AD, perhaps from Roman Egypt, Louvre, Paris

Hadrian died in the year 138 on the 10th of July, in his villa at Baiae at the age of 62. The cause of death is believed to have been heart failure. Dio Cassius and the Historia Augusta record details of his failing health. He had reigned for 21 years, the longest since Tiberius, and the fourth longest in the Principate, after Augustus, Hadrian's successor Antoninus Pius, and Tiberius.

He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius, who also died in 138. After threatening the Senate – which toyed with refusing Hadrian's divine honours – by refusing to assume power himself,[290] Antoninus eventually succeeded in having his predecessor deified[291] in 139 and given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces.[292] The Senate in consequence agreed to give Antoninus the title Pius for his filial piety in granting his adoptive father honours.[290] At the same time, in order to mark the Senate's ill will, commemorative coinage honouring Hadrian's consecration was kept to a minimum.[293]


Appraisals

Hadrian has been described as the most versatile of all Roman emperors.[294] Schiller called Hadrian "the Empire's first servant". Edward Gibbon admired his "vast and active genius" and his "equity and moderation". In 1776, he stated that Hadrian's era was part of the "happiest era of human history".

Sources and historiography

In Hadrian's time, there was already a well established convention that one could not write a contemporary Roman imperial history for fear of competing with what the emperors wanted to say about themselves.Criticism of the reigning dynasty - i.e. the imperial family - was always risky. [295][296] Therefore the fact that political histories of Hadrian's reign come mostly from later sources, some of them written centuries after the reign itself. Book 69 of the early 3rd century Roman History by Cassius Dio gives a general account of Hadrian's reign but the original is lost; what survives is a brief, Byzantine-era abridgment by the 11th century monk Xiphilinius, who focuses on Hadrian's religious interests and the Bar Kokhba war and little else. Hadrian's is the first of the series of probably late 4th century imperial biographies known as Historia Augusta; the collection as a whole is notorious for its unreliability ("a mish mash of actual fact, cloak and dagger, sword and sandal, with a sprinkling of Ubu Roi"),[297] but most modern historians consider its account of Hadrian as relatively free of outright fictions, and probably based on sound historical sources.[298] Its principal source is generally assumed, on the basis of indirect evidence, to be one of a lost series of imperial biographies by the prominent 3rd century senator Marius Maximus, covering the reigns of Nerva through to Heliogabalus.[299] Greek authors such as Philostratus and Pausanias, who wrote shortly after Hadrian's reign, confined their scope to the general historical framework that shaped Hadrian's decisions, especially those relating to Greece. Fronto left Latin correspondence and works attesting to Hadrian's character and his reign's internal politics.[300]

In modern scholarship, these accounts are supplemented by epigraphical, numismatic, archaeological, and other non-literary sources, without which no detailed, chronological account would be possible; the first modern historian to attempt such an account was the German 19th century medievalist Ferdinand Gregorovius.[301][302]

German historian Wilhelm Weber produced a 1907 biography of Hadrian.[301] Weber was an extreme German nationalist and later a Nazi Party supporter. In keeping with his general view on Roman history, his views on Hadrian, and especially the Bar Kokhba war, are ideologically loaded.[303][304] The 1923 Hadrian English biography by B.W. Henderson is more readable in the way of a summing-up and interpretation of the written sources, but Henderson's anti-German bias made him completely ignore Weber's study of the non-literary sources.[301]

Only after the development of epigraphical studies in the post-war period could an alternate historiography of Hadrian develop, that leaned less on the ancient literary tradition. The ancient tradition had as its leitmotif a comparison between Hadrian and Trajan- mostly to the former's disadvantage. On the other hand, modern historiography on Hadrian sought to explore the meaning (as in the title of a recent summing-up work by the German historian Susanne Mortensen)[305] attached by Hadrian to his policies on various fields, as well as the particular aspects of these policies. According to historians such as the Italian M.A. Levi, a summing-up of Hadrian's policies should stress the ecumenical character of the Empire, his development of an alternate bureaucracy disconnected from the Senate and adapted to the needs of an "enlightened" autocracy, as well as his overall defensive grand strategy. According to Levi, that would be enough to allow us to consider Hadrian as a grand Roman political reformer, the creator of an absolute monarchy in the place of a senatorial republic – even a sham one.[306] British historian Robin Lane Fox, in his book about the Classical World, credits Hadrian with the creation of a unified Greco-Roman cultural tradition, but at the same time he considers Hadrian to be the end of this same tradition, as Hadrian's "restoration" of the Classical Age into the framework of an undemocratic Empire simply emptied it of substantive meaning, or, in Fox's words, "kill[ed] it with kindness".[307] The latest (1997) English biography by Anthony Birley sums up and reflect these developments in Hadrian historiography.


Nerva–Antonine family tree

Notes

  1. ^ In Classical Latin, Hadrian's name would be inscribed as PVBLIVS AELIVS HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS.
  2. ^ As emperor his name was Imperator Caesar Divi Traiani filius Traianus Hadrianus Augustus.

Citations

  1. ^ Alicia M. Canto, Itálica, sedes natalis de Adriano. 31 textos históricos y argumentos para una secular polémica, Athenaeum XCII/2, 2004, 367-408.
  2. ^ Mary T. Boatwright (2008). "From Domitian to Hadrian". In Barrett, Anthony. Lives of the Caesars. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 159. ISBN 978-1-4051-2755-4. 
  3. ^ Eutr. VIII. 6: "... nam eum (Hadrianum) Traianus, quamquam consobrinae suae filium ..." and SHA, Vita Hadr. I, 2: ...pater Aelius Hadrianus cognomento Afer fuit, consobrinus Traiani imperatoris.
  4. ^ After A. M. Canto, in La dinastía Ulpio-Aelia (98-192 dC): Ni tan «Buenos», ni tan «Adoptivos», ni tan «Antoninos», Gerión 21/1, 2003, 305-347, specifically pp. 322, 328, 341 and footnote 124, where she stands out SHA, Vita Hadr. 1.2: pro filio habitus (years 93); 3.2: ad bellum Dacicum Traianum familiarius prosecutus est (year 101) or, principally, 3.7: quare adamante gemma quam Traianus a Nerva acceperat donatus ad spem successionis erectus est (year 107).
  5. ^ Royston Lambert, 1984, p. 175
  6. ^ Alicia M. Canto, "Itálica, patria y ciudad natal de Adriano (31 textos históricos y argumentos contra Vita Hadr). His father died in AD 86 when Hadrian was at the age of 10. 1, 3", Athenaeum vol. 92.2, 2004, pp. 367–408 UNIPV.it Archived 15 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine.
  7. ^ Ronald Syme, in his paper "Hadrian and Italica" (Journal of Roman Studies, LIV, 1964; pp. 142–149) supported the position that Rome was Hadrian's birthplace. Canto, however, argues that only one extant ancient source gives Hadrian's birthplace as Rome (SHA, Vita Hadr 2,4, probably interpolated), as opposed to 25 other sources affirming that he was born in Italica. Among these alternative sources is Hadrian's own imperial horoscope, included in the surviving fragments of an astrological compendium attributed to Antigonus of Nicaea, written during the late 2nd century:cf. Stephan Heiler, "The Emperor Hadrian in the Horoscopes of Antigonus of Nicaea", in Günther Oestmann, H. Darrel Rutkin, Kocku von Stuckrad, eds.,Horoscopes and Public Spheres: Essays on the History of Astrology. Berlim: Walter de Gruyter, 2005, ISBN 978-3-11-018545-4, page 49. This horoscope was well studied by prominent authors such as F. H. Cramer, Astrology in Roman Law and Politics, Mem.Amer.Philos.Soc. nr. 37, Philadelphia, 1954 (repr. 1996), see for Hadrian pp. 162–178, fn. 121b and 122, etc.: "...Hadrian – whose horoscope is absolutely certain – surely was born in southern Spain... (in) SHA, Hadrian, 2, 4, the birth was erroneously assigned to Rome instead of Italica, the actual birthplace of Hadrian...", or O. Neugebauer and H. B. Van Hoesen in their magisterial compilation Greek Horoscopes, Mem.Amer.Philos.Soc. nr. 48, Philadelphia, 1959, nr. L76, see now here, ed. 1987 pp. 80, 90–1, and his footnote 19. They came also to the conclusion that the astronomic parallel of the Hadrian's birth is situated in the Baetica, today Andalusia: "...L40 agrees exactly with the geographical latitude of southern Spain, the place of origin of Hadrian and his family...".. "since Hadrian was born in Italica (southern Spain, near Seville, latitude about 37° 30)...".
  8. ^ Historia Augusta, 'Hadrian', I-II, here explicitly citing the autobiography. This is one of the passages in the Historia Augusta where there is no reason to suspect invention. But see now the Canto's 31 contrary arguments in the op.cit. supra; among them, in the same Historia Augusta and, from the same author, Aelius Spartianus, Vita Sev. 21: Falsus est etiam ipse Traianus in suo municipe ac nepote diligendo, see also es:Adriano#cite note-nacimiento-0, and, characterizing him as a man of provinces (Canto, ibid.): Vita Hadr. 1,3: Quaesturam gessit Traiano quater et Articuleio consulibus, in qua cum orationem imperatoris in senatu agrestius pronuntians risus esset, usque ad summam peritiam et facundiam Latinis operam dedit
  9. ^ Alicia M. Canto, "La dinastía Ulpio-Aelia (96–192 d.C.): ni tan Buenos, ni tan Adoptivos ni tan Antoninos". Gerión (21.1): 263–305. 2003
  10. ^ On the numerous senatorial families from Spain residing at Rome and its vicinity around the time of Hadrian's birth see R. Syme, 'Spaniards at Tivoli', in Roman Papers IV (Oxford, 1988), pp. 96–114. Tivoli (Tibur) was of course the site of Hadrian's own imperial villa.
  11. ^ a b Royston Lambert, Beloved And God, pp. 31–32.
  12. ^ Aulus Gellius, Noct.Att. XVI, 13, 4, and some inscriptions in the city with C(olonia) A(elia) A(ugusta) I(talica)
  13. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 37
  14. ^ John D. Grainger, Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis of AD 96–99. Abingdon: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-415-34958-3, p. 109
  15. ^ Thorsten Opper, The Emperor Hadrian. British Museum Press, 2008, p. – 39
  16. ^ Jörg Fündling, Kommentar zur Vita Hadriani der Historia Augusta (= Antiquitas. Reihe 4: Beiträge zur Historia-Augusta-Forschung, Serie 3: Kommentare, Bände 4.1 und 4.2). Habelt, Bonn 2006, ISBN 3-7749-3390-1, p. 351.
  17. ^ John D. Grainger, Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis, p. 109; Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds. The Cambridge Ancient History – XI. Cambridge U. P.: 2000, ISBN 0-521-26335-2, p. 133.
  18. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 54
  19. ^ Boatwright, in Barrett, p. 158
  20. ^ The text of Historia Augusta (Vita Hadriani, 3.8) is garbled, stating that Hadrian's election to the praetorship was contemporary "to the second consulate of Suburanus and Servianus" – two characters that had non-simultaneous second consulships – so Hadrian's election could be dated to 102 or 104, the later date being the most accepted
  21. ^ a b Bowman, p. 133
  22. ^ Anthony Everitt, 2013, Chapter XI: "holding back the Sarmatians" may simply have meant maintaining and patrolling the border.
  23. ^ The inscription in footnote 1
  24. ^ The Athenian inscription confirms and expands the one in Historia Augusta; see John Bodel, ed., Epigraphic Evidence: Ancient History From Inscriptions. Abingdon: Routledge, 2006, ISBN 0-415-11623-6, p. 89
  25. ^ His career in office up to 112/113 is attested by the Athens inscription, 112 AD: CIL III, 550 = InscrAtt 3 = IG II, 3286 = Dessau 308 = IDRE 2, 365: decemvir stlitibus iudicandis/ sevir turmae equitum Romanorum/ praefectus Urbi feriarum Latinarum/ tribunus militum legionis II Adiutricis Piae Fidelis (95, in Pannonia Inferior)/ tribunus militum legionis V Macedonicae (96, in Moesia Inferior)/ tribunus militum legionis XXII Primigeniae Piae Fidelis (97, in Germania Superior)/ quaestor (101)/ ab actis senatus/ tribunus plebis (105)/ praetor (106)/ legatus legionis I Minerviae Piae Fidelis (106, in Germania Inferior)/ legatus Augusti pro praetore Pannoniae Inferioris (107)/ consul suffectus (108)/ septemvir epulonum (before 112)/ sodalis Augustalis (before 112)/ archon Athenis (112/13). He also held office as legatus Syriae (117): see H. W. Benario in Roman-emperors.org
  26. ^ Anthony Birley, Hadrian the Restless Emperor, p. 68
  27. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 75
  28. ^ Karl Strobel: Kaiser Traian. Eine Epoche der Weltgeschichte. Regensburg: 2010, p. 401.
  29. ^ Fündling, 384; Strobel, 401.
  30. ^ John Richardson, "The Roman Mind and the power of fiction" IN Lewis Ayres, Ian Gray Kidd, eds. The Passionate Intellect: Essays on the Transformation of Classical Traditions : Presented to Professor I.G. Kidd. New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1995, ISBN 1-56000-210-7, p. 128
  31. ^ Elizabeth Speller, p. 25
  32. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 80
  33. ^ Stephan Brassloff, "Die Rechtsfrage bei der Adoption Hadrians". Hermes 49. Bd., H. 4 (Sep., 1914), pp. 590–601
  34. ^ The coin legend runs HADRIANO TRAIANO CAESARI; see Roman, Yves, Rémy, Bernard & Riccardi, Laurent:" Les intrigues de Plotine et la succession de Trajan. À propos d'un aureus au nom d'Hadrien César". Révue des études anciennes, T. 111, 2009, no. 2, pp. 508-517
  35. ^ François Chausson, "Variétés Généalogiques IV:Cohésion, Collusions, Collisions: Une Autre Dynastie Antonine", in Giorgio Bonamente, Hartwin Brandt, eds., Historiae Augustae Colloquium Bambergense. Bari: Edipuglia, 2007, ISBN 978-88-7228-492-6, p.143
  36. ^ Hidalgo de la Vega, Maria José: "Plotina, Sabina y Las Dos Faustinas: La Función de Las Augustas en La Politica Imperial". Studia historica, Historia antigua, 18, 2000, pp. 191–224. Available at [1]. Retrieved January 11, 2017
  37. ^ Marasco, p. 375
  38. ^ Tracy Jennings, "A Man Among Gods: Evaluating the Signficance of Hadrian's Acts of Deification." Journal of Undergraduate Research: 54.Available at [2] Archived 16 April 2017 at the Wayback Machine.. Accessed April 15, 2017
  39. ^ This made Hadrian the first senator in history to have an Augusta as his mother-in-law, something that his contemporaries could not fail to notice: see Christer Brun, "Matidia die Jüngere", IN Anne Kolb, ed., Augustae. Machtbewusste Frauen am römischen Kaiserhof?: Herrschaftsstrukturen und Herrschaftspraxis II. Akten der Tagung in Zürich 18.-20. 9. 2008. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2010, ISBN 978-3-05-004898-7, p. 230
  40. ^ Robert H. Allen, The Classical Origins of Modern Homophobia, Jefferson: Mcfarland, 2006, ISBN 978-0-7864-2349-1, p. 120
  41. ^ Robin Lane Fox, The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian. New York: Basic Books, 2008, ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1, p. 556
  42. ^ Thorsten Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict. Harvard University Press, 2008, p.170
  43. ^ David L. Balch, Carolyn Osiek, eds., Early Christian Families in Context: An Interdisciplinary Dialogue. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2003, ISBN 0-8028-3986-X, p. 301
  44. ^ Anthony R Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor, p. 54
  45. ^ Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, XI, p. 133
  46. ^ Mackay, Christopher. Ancient Rome: a Military and Political History. Cambridge U. Press: 2007, ISBN 0-521-80918-5, p. 229
  47. ^ Fündling, 335
  48. ^ Gabriele Marasco, ed., Political Autobiographies and Memoirs in Antiquity: A Brill Companion. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-18299-8, p. 375
  49. ^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 3.7
  50. ^ In 23 BC Augustus handed a similar ring to his heir apparent, Agrippa: see Judith Lynn Sebesta, Larissa Bonfante, eds., The World of Roman Costume. University of Wisconsin Press, 1994, p. 78
  51. ^ Fündling, 351
  52. ^ Kennedy, Maev (2008-06-09). "How Victorian restorers faked the clothes that seemed to show Hadrian's softer side". Guardian.co.uk. Retrieved 2008-06-09. 
  53. ^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, 55
  54. ^ John Antony Crook, Consilium Principis: Imperial Councils and Counsellors from Augustus to Diocletian. Cambridge University Press: 1955, pp. 54f
  55. ^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 6.2
  56. ^ Egyptian papyri tell of one such ceremony between 117 and 118; see Michael Peppard, The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in Its Social and Political Context. Oxford U. Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-19-975370-3, pp. 72f
  57. ^ Royston Lambert, p. 34
  58. ^ Cizek, Eugen. L'éloge de Caius Avidius Nigrinus chez Tacite et le " complot " des consulaires. In: Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé, no. 3, octobre 1980. pp. 276–294. Retrieved June 10, 2015. Available at [3]
  59. ^ a b c Elizabeth Speller.
  60. ^ Marasco, p. 377
  61. ^ M. Christol & D. Nony, Rome et son Empire. Paris: Hachette, 2003, ISBN 2-01-145542-1, p. 158
  62. ^ Hadrien Bru, Le pouvoir impérial dans les provinces syriennes: Représentations et célébrations d'Auguste à Constantin. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-20363-1, pp. 46f
  63. ^ Andrew Crawford Wilson, "Image and ideology : Roman imperialism and frontier policy in the second century A.D.". Australian National University, M.A. Thesis, 1992, available at [4]. Retrieved May 23, 2015
  64. ^ Carcopino Jérôme. "L'hérédité dynastique chez les Antonins" . Revue des Études Anciennes. Tome 51, 1949, no.3–4. pp. 262–321.
  65. ^ Nigrinus' ambiguous relationship with Hadrian would have consequences late in Hadrian's reign, when he had to plan his own succession; see Anthony Everitt, Hadrian and the triumph of Rome. New York: Random House, 2009, ISBN 978-1-4000-6662-9.
  66. ^ It is probable that Attianus was executed (or was already dead) by the end of Hadrian's reign; see Françoise Des Boscs-Plateaux, Un parti hispanique à Rome?: ascension des élites hispaniques et pouvoir politique d'Auguste à Hadrien, 27 av. J.-C.-138 ap. J.-C. Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2005, ISBN 84-95555-80-8, p. 611
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  89. ^ Opper, p. 79
  90. ^ Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, xi, 2
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  98. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 107
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  103. ^ William E. Mierse, Temples and Towns in Roman Iberia: The Social and Architectural Dynamics of Sanctuary Designs from the Third Century B.C. to the Third Century A.D.. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009, ISBN 0-520-20377-1, page 141
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  144. ^ "Antinous's mysterious death in the Nile led to a Graeco-Egyptian hero-cult to surpass all others in the Greek-speaking world, and busts of the young man are now among the most common from antiquity." (MacGregor, Neil, "There's more to Hadrian than wall-building", Times of London, 6 July 2008.
    Dyson, Stephen L., Rome: A Living Portrait of an Ancient City, p. 195
  145. ^ "The public taking of Antinous the Greek as a lover makes more sense as a deliberate political manoeuvre designed to ingratiate himself with the Greek-speakers who still made up 50% of the empire." (Januszczak, Waldemar, "Hadrian – Empire and Conflict at the British Museum", Times of London, 20 July 2008)
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  153. ^ Marco Rizzi, p. 12
  154. ^ see Trevor W. Thompson "Antinoos, The New God: Origen on Miracle and Belief in Third Century Egypt" for the persistence of Antinous's cult and Christian reactions to it. Freely available. The relationship of P. Oxy. 63.4352 with Diocletian's accession is not entirely clear.
  155. ^ Caroline Vout, Power and Eroticism in Imperial Rome. Cambridge University Press; 2007, p. 89
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  165. ^ Marcel Le Glay. "Hadrien et l'Asklépieion de Pergame". In: Bulletin de correspondance hellénique. Volume 100, livraison 1, 1976. pp. 347–372.Available at [9]. Retrieved July 24, 2015.
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  167. ^ Andrew M. Smith II, Roman Palmyra: Identity, Community, and State Formation. Oxford University Press: 2013, ISBN 978-0-19-986110-1, page 25; Robert K. Sherk, The Roman Empire: Augustus to Hadrian. Cambridge University Press:1988, ISBN 0-521-33887-5, page 190
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  169. ^ Yeshayahu Gafni, Jerusalem to Jabneh, Units 1–2, Tel-Aviv: Open University of Israel, 1980, ISBN 978-965-06-1190-3, page 28
  170. ^ Midrash Rabba, Genesis Rabba 64 (end)
  171. ^ Shlomo Simonsohn, The Jews of Italy: Antiquity. Leiden;Brill, 2014, ISBN 978-90-04-28235-3, p. 46
  172. ^ Cassius Dio, Roman history 69.12.1
  173. ^ Virgilio Corbo, The Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem (1981)
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  175. ^ Bazzana, 98
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  177. ^ Emmanuel Friedheim, "Some notes about the Samaritans and the Rabbinic Class at Crossroads" IN Menachem Mor, Friedrich V. Reiterer, eds., Samaritans – Past and Present: Current Studies. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010, ISBN 978-3-11-019497-5, page 197
  178. ^ Peter Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand. Tübingen 1981, pages 29–50.
  179. ^ Schäfer, Peter (1998). Judeophobia: Attitudes Toward the Jews in the Ancient World. Harvard University Press. pp. 103–105. ISBN 978-0-674-04321-3. Retrieved 2014-02-01. [...] Hadrian's ban on circumcision, allegedly imposed sometime between 128 and 132 CE [...]. The only proof for Hadrian's ban on circumcision is the short note in the Historia Augusta: 'At this time also the Jews began war, because they were forbidden to mutilate their genitals (quot vetabantur mutilare genitalia). [...] The historical credibility of this remark is controversial [...] The earliest evidence for circumcision in Roman legislation is an edict by Antoninus Pius (138–161 CE), Hadrian's successor [...] [I]t is not utterly impossible that Hadrian [...] indeed considered circumcision as a 'barbarous mutilation' and tried to prohihit it. [...] However, this proposal cannot be more than a conjecture, and, of course, it does not solve the questions of when Hadrian issued the decree (before or during/after the Bar Kokhba war) and whether it was directed solely against Jews or also against other peoples. 
  180. ^ Mackay, Christopher. Ancient Rome a Military and Political History: 230
  181. ^ Peter Schäfer, The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Second Jewish Revolt Against Rome Mohr Siebeck, 2003 pg 68
  182. ^ Peter Schäfer, The History of the Jews in the Greco-Roman World: The Jews of Palestine from Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest. Routledge:2003, pg 146
  183. ^ Historia Augusta, Hadrian14.2
  184. ^ Digest, 48.8.4.2, quoted by Paul Du Plessis, Borkowski's Textbook on Roman Law. Oxford University Press, 2015, ISBN 978-0-19-957488-9, page 95
  185. ^ Peter Schäfer, Judeophobia, 104.
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  191. ^ Possibly the XXII Deiotariana, which according to epigraphy did not outlast Hadrian's reign; see [http://www.livius.org/le-lh/legio/xxii_deiotariana.html livius.org account; however, Peter Schäfer, following Bowersock, finds no traces in the written sources of the purported annihilation of Legio XXII. A loss of such magnitude would have surely been mentioned (Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 14).
  192. ^ Cassius Dio 69, 14.3Roman History. Many Romans, moreover, perished in this war. Therefore Hadrian in writing to the Senate did not employ the opening phrase commonly affected by the emperors[...] 
  193. ^ Midrash Rabba (Lamentations Rabba 2:5), end
  194. ^ Gittin 57a-58b; Lamentations Rabbah 2.2 §4;
  195. ^ The Cambridge History of Judaism, Volume 4, 728
  196. ^ On the unhistorical character of Bar Kokhba and of most accounts of the war, see Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition. University of Chicago Press, 1997 ISBN 0-226-98157-6, page 141
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  198. ^ The Aramaic version, "שחיק טמיא", is used, e.g., in Genesis Rabbah 78:1. This is referenced by Rashi in his comment on the phrase, "טמא לנפש", in his commentary on Numbers 5:2. The other two locations in Genesis Rabbah referenced in Rashi's comment, 10:3 and 28:3, use the Hebrew version, "שחיק עצמות"
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  207. ^ Geza Vermes, Who's Who in the Age of Jesus, Penguin: 2006, no ISBN given, entry "Hadrian"
  208. ^ According to the French historian Hans-Georg Pflaum, Turbo's rise under Hadrian made him the paragon of the career officer who could be employed into the Imperial service as a reliable top brass administrator: apud Patrick Le Roux, "H.G. Pflaum, L'armée romaine et l'empire", IN Ségolène Demougin, ed., H.-G. Pflaum, un historien du XXe siècle: actes du colloque international, Paris les 21, 22 et 23 octobre 2004. Geneva: Droz, 2006, ISBN 978-2-600-01099-3, p. 168
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  212. ^ Jocelyn M. C. Toynbee, The Hadrianic School: A Chapter in the History of Greek Art. CUP Archive, 1934, 79
  213. ^ Julian Bennett, Trajan-Optimus Priceps. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001, ISBN 0-253-21435-1, p. 165
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  223. ^ Anthony Birley, introduction to his Eng. trans. of the first half of HA, Lives of the Later Caesars, Penguin, 1982, p. 13, n. 23
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  225. ^ Elizabeth Speller, p. 69
  226. ^ Opper, p. 85
  227. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 209-212
  228. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 211
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  243. ^ Digest 48.18.21; quoted by Q.F. Robinson, Penal Practice and Penal Policy in Ancient Rome. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007ISBN 978-0-415-41651-1, p.107
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  245. ^ Christopher J. Fuhrmann, Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0, p. 102
  246. ^ Westermann, 109
  247. ^ Garzetti, p. 411
  248. ^ It was lost in large part to despoliation by the Cardinal d'Este, who had much of the marble removed to build the Villa d'Este in the 16th century.
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  251. ^ Direct links to Hadrian's poems in the A.P. with W.R. Paton's translation at the Internet Archive VI 332, VII 674, IX 137, IX 387
  252. ^ T. J. Cornell, ed., The Fragments of the Roman Historians. Oxford University Press: 2013, p. 591
  253. ^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, p. 26
  254. ^ Historia Augusta, Hadrian 2.1.
  255. ^ a b c Fox, Robin The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian Basic Books. 2006 p. 574
  256. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 62
  257. ^ The Historia Augusta however claims that "he wore a full beard to cover up the natural blemishes on his face", H.A. 26.1
  258. ^ Robin Lane Fox, The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian. Philadelphia: Basic Books, 2006, ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1, p. 578
  259. ^ For instance, a probably bogus anecdote in Historia Augusta relates that as tribune he had lost a cloak that emperors never wore: Michael Reiche, ed., Antike Autobiographien: Werke, Epochen, Gattungen. Köln: Böhlau, 2005, ISBN 3-412-10505-8, p. 225
  260. ^ Christiane L. Joost-Gaugier, Measuring Heaven: Pythagoras and His Influence on Thought and Art in Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Cornell University Press: 2007, ISBN 978-0-8014-4396-1, p. 177
  261. ^ Historia Augusta, Hadrian Dio 25.9; Antony Birley, p. 301
  262. ^ see e.g.Forty-three translations of Hadrian's "Animula, vagula, blandula ..." including translations by Henry Vaughan, A.Pope, Lord Byron.
  263. ^ A.A.Barb, "Animula, Vagula, Blandula", Folklore, 61, 1950 : "... since Casaubon almost three and a half centuries of classical scholars have admired this poem"
  264. ^ see Note 2 in Emanuela Andreoni Fontecedro's "Animula vagula blandula: Adriano debitore di Plutarco", Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica, 1997
  265. ^ "tales autem nec multo meliores fecit et Graecos", Historia Augusta, ibidem
  266. ^ Russell E. Murphy, Critical Companion to T. S. Eliot: A Literary Reference to His Life and Work, 2007. p.48
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  270. ^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 23.9
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  281. ^ Des Boscs-Plateaux, 311
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  284. ^ McLynn, 42
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  288. ^ Dio 69.17.2
  289. ^ Anthony Birley, p. 297
  290. ^ a b Salmon, 816
  291. ^ Dio 70.1.1
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  297. ^ Paul Veyne, L'Empire Gréco-Romain. Paris: Seuil, 2005, ISBN 2-02-057798-4, p. 312. In the French original: de l'Alexandre Dumas, du péplum et un peu d'Ubu Roi.
  298. ^ Danèel den Hengst, Emperors and Historiography: Collected Essays on the Literature of the Roman Empire. Leiden: Brill, 2010, ISBN 978-90-04-17438-2, p. 93
  299. ^ Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History', XI: the High Empire, 70–192 A.D.Cambridge University Press, 2000, ISBN 978-0521263351, page 132
  300. ^ Mary Taliaferro Boatwright, Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire. Princeton University Press, 2002, pp. 20/26
  301. ^ a b c Anthony R Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor. Abingdon: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 0-415-16544-X, p. 7
  302. ^ Birley, Hadrian: the Restless Emperor, 7: Birley describes the results of Ernst Kornemann's attempt to sift the Historia Augusta biography's facts from its fictions (through textual analysis alone) as doubtful.
  303. ^ Thomas E. Jenkins, Antiquity Now: The Classical World in the Contemporary American Imagination. Cambridge University Press: 2015, ISBN 978-0-521-19626-0, paget121
  304. ^ A'haron Oppenheimer, Between Rome and Babylon: Studies in Jewish Leadership and Society.Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005, ISBN 3-16-148514-9, page 199
  305. ^ Susanne Mortensen: Hadrian. Eine Deutungsgeschichte. Habelt, Bonn 2004, ISBN 3-7749-3229-8
  306. ^ Franco Sartori, "L'oecuménisme d'un empereur souvent méconnu : [review of] M.A. Levi, Adriano, un ventennio di cambiamento". In: Dialogues d'histoire ancienne, vol. 21, no. 1, 1995. pp. 290–297.Available at [15]. Retrieved January 19, 2017
  307. ^ The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian. New York: Basic Books, 2006, ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1, page 4

References

Primary sources

  • Cassius Dio or Dio Cassius Roman History. Greek Text and Translation by Earnest Cary at internet archive
  • Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Augustan History. Latin Text Translated by David Magie
  • Aurelius Victor, Caesares, XIV. Latin "Caesares: text – IntraText CT". Intratext.com. 2007-05-04. Retrieved 2010-03-13. 
  • Anon, Excerpta of Aurelius Victor: Epitome de Caesaribus, XIII. Latin "Epitome De Caesaribus: text – IntraText CT". Intratext.com. 2007-05-04. Retrieved 2010-03-13. 

Inscriptions:

  • Eusebius of Caesarea, Church History (Book IV), "Church History". www.newadvent.org. Retrieved 2010-03-13. 
  • Smallwood, E.M, Documents Illustrating the Principates of Nerva Trajan and Hadrian, Cambridge, 1966.

Secondary sources

  • Barnes, T. D. (1967). "Hadrian and Lucius Verus". Journal of Roman Studies. 57 (1/2): 65–79. doi:10.2307/299345. JSTOR 299345. 
  • Birley, Anthony R. (1997). Hadrian. The restless emperor. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-16544-X. 
  • Boatwright, Mary Taliaferro. (2002). Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire. Priceton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-04889-4. 
  • Canto, Alicia M. (2004). "Itálica, patria y ciudad natal de Adriano (31 textos históricos y argumentos contra Vita Hadr. 1, 3". Athenaeum. 92.2: 367–408. Archived from the original on October 15, 2007. 
  • Dobson, Brian (2000). Hadrian's Wall. London: Penguin. 
  • Gibbon, Edward, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. I, 1776. The Online Library of Liberty "Online Library of Liberty – The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. 1". Oll.libertyfund.org. Retrieved 2010-03-13. 
  • Lambert, Royston (1997). Beloved and God: the story of Hadrian and Antinous. London: Phoenix Giants. ISBN 1-85799-944-4. 
  • Speller, Elizabeth (2003). Following Hadrian: a second-century journey through the Roman Empire. London: Review. ISBN 0-7472-6662-X. 
  • Syme, Ronald (1997) [1958]. Tacitus. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-814327-3. 
  • Syme, Ronald (1964). "Hadrian and Italica". Journal of Roman Studies. LIV: 142–9. doi:10.2307/298660. 
  • Syme, Ronald (1988). "Journeys of Hadrian" (PDF). Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik. 73: 159–170. Retrieved 2006-12-12.  Reprinted in Syme, Ronald (1991). Roman Papers VI. Oxford: Clarendon Press. pp. 346–357. ISBN 0-19-814494-6. 

Further reading

  • Danziger, Danny; Purcell, Nicholas (2006). Hadrian's empire : when Rome ruled the world. London: Hodder & Stoughton. ISBN 0-340-83361-0. 
  • Everitt, Anthony (2009). Hadrian and the triumph of Rome. New York: Random House. ISBN 978-1-4000-6662-9. 
  • Gray, William Dodge (1919). "A Study of the life of Hadrian Prior to His Accession". Smith College Studies in History. 4: 151–209. 
  • Gregorovius, Ferdinand (1898). The Emperor Hadrian: A Picture of the Greco-Roman World in His Time. Mary E. Robinson, trans. London: Macmillan. 
  • Henderson, Bernard W. (1923). Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian. London: Methuen. 
  • Ish-Kishor, Sulamith (1935). Magnificent Hadrian: A Biography of Hadrian, Emperor of Rome. New York: Minton, Balch and Co. 
  • Perowne, Stewart (1960). Hadrian. London: Hodder and Stoughton. 

External links

  • Historia Augusta: Life of Hadrian
  • Hadrian coinage
  • Temple of Hadrian QuickTime VR, Rome
  • Catholic Encyclopedia article
  • A Bibliography
  • Major scultoric find at Sagalassos (Turkey), 2 August 2007 (between 13 and 16 feet in height, four to five meters), with some splendid photos courtesy of the Sagalassos Archaeological Research Project
  • Hadrian, in: De Imperatoribus Romanis, An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors
  • Next exhibition on Hadrian in the British Museum, 24 July – 26 October 2008: "Hadrian, Empire and Conflict". Curator: Thorsten Opper
  • "Emperor Hadrian, YouTube hero": a review by Tom Holland of the Hadrian Exhibition at the British Museum, TLS, 6 August 2008.
Hadrian
Born: 24 January AD 76 Died: 10 July AD 138
Regnal titles
Preceded by
Trajan
Roman Emperor
117–138
Succeeded by
Antoninus Pius
Political offices
Preceded by
Appius Annius Trebonius Gallus,
and Marcus Appius Bradua

as Ordinary consuls
Suffect consul of the Roman Empire
108
with Marcus Trebatius Priscus
Succeeded by
Quintus Pompeius Falco,
and Marcus Titius Lustricus Bruttianus

as Suffect consuls
Preceded by
ignotus,
and Gnaeus Minicius Faustinus

as Suffect consuls
Consul of the Roman Empire
118
with Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator
Bellicius Tebanianus
Gaius Ummidius Quadratus
Succeeded by
Lucius Pompeius Bassus,
and Titus Sabinius Barbarus

as Suffect consuls
Preceded by
Lucius Pompeius Bassus,
and Titus Sabinius Barbarus

as Suffect consuls
Consul of the Roman Empire
119
with Publius Dasumius Rusticus,
followed by Aulus Platorius Nepos
Succeeded by
Marcus Paccius Silvanus Quintus Coredius Gallus Gargilius Antiquus,
and Quintus Vibius Gallus

as Suffect consuls
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