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Bust Hadrian Musei Capitolini MC817 cropped.jpg
Marble bust of Hadrian at the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Capitoline Museums.
14th Emperor of the Roman Empire
Reign 10 August 117 – 10 July 138
Predecessor Trajan
Successor Antoninus Pius
Born (76-01-24)24 January 76
Italica, Hispania (uncertain)
Died 10 July 138(138-07-10) (aged 62)
  1. Puteoli
  2. Gardens of Domitia
  3. Hadrian's Mausoleum (Rome)
Spouse Vibia Sabina
Full name
  • Publius Aelius Hadrianus (from birth to adoption and accession)
  • Caesar Publius Aelius Traianus Hadrianus Augustus (as emperor)
Dynasty Nervan-Antonine
Mother Domitia Paulina
Roman imperial dynasties
Nervo-Trajanic Dynasty
   Natural - (none)
   Adoptive - Trajan
   Natural - (none)
   Adoptive - Hadrian
   Natural - (none)
   Adoptive - Lucius Aelius
   Adoptive - Antoninus Pius

Hadrian (/ˈhdriən/; Latin: Publius Aelius Hadrianus Augustus;[note 1][note 2] 24 January 76 – 10 July 138) was Roman emperor from 117 to 138. He was born Publius Aelius Hadrianus, probably at Italica, near Santiponce (in modern-day Spain), into a Hispano-Roman family with centuries-old roots in Hispania.[1][2] His father was a maternal cousin of the emperor Trajan. Some years before Hadrian's accession, he married Trajan's grand-niece, Vibia Sabina. While Trajan did not officially designate an heir, his close friend and adviser Licinius Sura was well disposed towards Hadrian. Trajan's wife, Pompeia Plotina, claimed that her husband had nominated Hadrian as emperor immediately before his death.

Rome's military and Senate approved Hadrian's succession, but soon after, four leading senators who had opposed Hadrian, or seemed to threaten his position, were unlawfully put to death; the senate held Hadrian responsible for this, and never forgave him. He earned further disapproval among the elite by abandoning Trajan's expansionist policies and recent territorial gains in Mesopotamia, Assyria and Armenia, and parts of Dacia. Hadrian preferred to invest in the development of stable, defensible borders, and the unification, under his overall leadership, of the empire's disparate peoples. He is known for building Hadrian's Wall, which marked the northern limit of Britannia. Late in his reign he suppressed the Bar Kokhba revolt in Judaea; with this major exception, Hadrian's reign was generally peaceful.

Hadrian energetically pursued his own Imperial ideals and personal interests; accompanied by a probably vast Imperial retinue of specialists and administrators, he visited almost every province of the Empire. He encouraged military preparedness and discipline, and fostered, designed or personally subsidised various civil and religious institutions and building projects. In Rome itself, he rebuilt or completed the Pantheon, and constructed the vast Temple of Venus and Roma. In Egypt, he may have rebuilt the Serapeum of Alexandria. An ardent admirer of Greece, he sought to make Athens the cultural capital of the Empire and ordered the construction of many opulent temples there. His intense relationship with the Greek youth Antinous, and the latter's untimely death, led to Hadrian's establishment of an enduring and widespread popular cult.

Hadrian's last years were marred by chronic illness. He saw the bar Kokhba revolt as the failure of his panhellenic ideal. His execution of two more senators for their alleged plots against him provoked further resentment. His marriage to Vibia Sabina had been unhappy, and childless; in 138 he adopted Antoninus Pius and nominated him as a successor, on the condition that Antoninus adopt Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus as his own heirs. Hadrian died the same year at Baiae, and Antoninus had him deified, despite opposition from the Senate. Thereafter, Roman histories present Hadrian as a complex and difficult character. British historian Edward Gibbon includes him among the Empire's "Five good emperors", a "benevolent dictator"; Hadrian's own senate found him remote and authoritarian. He has been described as enigmatic and contradictory, with a capacity for both great personal generosity and extreme cruelty, and driven by insatiable curiosity, self-conceit, and above all, ambition.[3] Modern interest was revived largely thanks to Marguerite Yourcenar's novel Mémoires d'Hadrien (1951).

Early life

Hadrian was born Publius Aelius Hadrianus in either Italica (near modern Seville) in the province of Hispania Baetica[4] or Rome,[5] to a well-established Roman family with centuries-old roots in Italica. His biography in the Historia Augusta states that he was born in Rome on 24 January 76 to an ethnically Hispanic family with vague paternal links to Italy, though this may be a complimentary fiction coined to make Hadrian appear a natural-born Roman instead of a provincial whose parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents were born and raised in Hispania.[6] It was general knowledge that Hadrian and his predecessor Trajan were – in the words of Aurelius Victor – "aliens", people "from the outside" (advenae).[7]

Hadrian's father was Publius Aelius Hadrianus Afer, who as a senator of praetorian rank would have spent much of his time in Rome.[8] Hadrian's known paternal ancestry can be partly linked to a family from Hadria (modern Atri), an ancient town in Picenum, Italy. This family had settled in Italica soon after its founding by Scipio Africanus several centuries before Hadrian's birth. Hadrian's father, Afer, and his paternal cousin, the Emperor Trajan, were both born and raised in Hispania. Hadrian's mother was Domitia Paulina, daughter of a distinguished Hispano-Roman senatorial family from Gades (Cádiz).[9]

Hadrian's elder sister and only sibling was Aelia Domitia Paulina, married to Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus, who was consul three times. Hadrian also had a niece, Julia Serviana Paulina, and a great-nephew, Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator, from Barcino (Barcelona). In 86, when Hadrian was ten years old, his parents died, and he became a ward of both Trajan and Publius Acilius Attianus (who was later Trajan's Praetorian prefect).[9] Hadrian was physically active, and enjoyed hunting; when he was 14, Trajan called him to Rome and arranged his further schooling in subjects appropriate to a young Roman aristocrat. Hadrian proved so fond of Greek literature that he was nicknamed Graeculus ("Greekling").

Public service

Hadrian's first official post in Rome was as a judge at the Inheritance court, one among many vigintivirate offices at the lowest level of the cursus honorum ("course of honours") that could lead to higher office and a senatorial career. He then served as a military tribune, first with the Legio II Adiutrix in 95, then with the Legio V Macedonica. During Hadrian's second stint as tribune, the frail and aged reigning emperor Nerva adopted Trajan as his heir; Hadrian was dispatched to give Trajan the news— or most probably was one of many emissaries charged with this same commission.[10] Then he was transferred to Legio XXII Primigenia and a third tribunate.[11] Hadrian's three tribunates gave him some career advantage. Most scions of the older senatorial families might serve one, or at most two military tribunates as a prerequisite to higher office.[12][13] When Nerva died in 98, Hadrian is said to have hastened to Trajan, to inform him ahead of the official envoy sent by the governor, Hadrian's brother-in-law and rival Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus.[14]

In 101, Hadrian was back in Rome; he was elected quaestor, then quaestor imperatoris Traiani, liaison officer between Emperor and the assembled Senate, to whom he read the Emperor's communiqués and speeches – which he possibly composed on the emperor's behalf. In his role as imperial ghostwriter, Hadrian took the place of the recently deceased Licinius Sura, Trajan's all-powerful friend and kingmaker.[15] His next post was as ab actis senatus, keeping the Senate's records.[16] During the First Dacian War, Hadrian took the field as a member of Trajan's personal entourage, but was excused from his military post to take office in Rome as Tribune of the Plebs, in 105. After the war, he was probably elected praetor.[17] During the Second Dacian War, Hadrian was in Trajan's personal service again, but was released to serve as legate of Legio I Minervia, then as governor of Lower Pannonia in 107, tasked with "holding back the Sarmatians".[18][19]

Now in his mid-thirties, Hadrian travelled to Greece; he was granted Athenian citizenship and was appointed eponymous archon of Athens for a brief time (in 112).[20] The Athenians awarded him a statue with an inscription in the Theater of Dionysus ( IG II2 3286) offering a detailed account of his cursus honorum thus far.[21][22] Thereafter no more is heard of him until Trajan's Parthian War. It is possible that he remained in Greece until his recall to the imperial retinue.[18]

Hadrian joined Trajan's expedition against Parthia as a legate.[23] When the governor of Syria was sent to deal with renewed troubles in Dacia, Hadrian was appointed his replacement, with independent command.[24] Trajan became seriously ill, and took ship for Rome, while Hadrian remained in Syria, de facto general commander of the Eastern Roman army.[25] Trajan got as far as the coastal city of Selinus, in Cilicia; he was too ill to travel any further. He died there, on 8 August; he would be regarded as one of Rome's most admired, popular and best emperors.

Relationship with Trajan and his family

Around the time of his quaestorship, in 100 or 101, Hadrian had married Trajan's twelve-year-old grandniece, Vibia Sabina. The marriage might have been arranged by Trajan's empress, Plotina. This highly cultured, influential woman shared many of Hadrian's values and interests, including the idea of the Roman Empire as a commonwealth with an underlying Hellenic culture.[26] If Hadrian were to be appointed Trajan's successor, Plotina and her extended family could retain their social profile and political influence after Trajan's death.[27] Hadrian could also count on the support of his mother-in-law, Salonina Matidia, who was daughter of Trajan's beloved sister Ulpia Marciana.[28][29] When Ulpia Marciana died, in 112, Trajan had her deified, and made Salonina Matidia an Augusta.[30] Trajan himself seems to have been less than enthusiastic about Sabina and Hadrian' marriage, and with good reason; the couple's relationship would prove to be scandalously poor.[31]

A relief scene on Trajan's Column in Rome, 2nd-century monument attributed to Apollodorus of Damascus (monochrome graphics by Conrad Cichorius), showing a Roman legion storming a Dacian fortress during Trajan's Dacian Wars

Hadrian's personal relationship with Trajan was complex, and may have been difficult. Hadrian seems to have sought influence over Trajan, or Trajan's decisions, through cultivation of the latter's boy favourites; this gave rise to some unexplained quarrel, around the time of Hadrian's marriage to Sabina.[32][33] Late in Trajan's reign, Hadrian failed to achieve a senior consulship, being only suffect consul for 108;[34] this gave him parity of status with other members of the senatorial nobility;[35]but no particular distinction befitting an heir designate.[36] Had Trajan wished it, he could have promoted his protege to patrician rank and its privileges, which included opportunities for a fast track to consulship without prior experience as tribune; but he chose not to.[37] Hadrian was made Tribune of the Plebs somewhat younger than was customary, and was promoted to praetorian rank; but he was consistently excluded from Trajan's innermost circle of advisers.[38] The Historia Augusta describes Trajan's gift to Hadrian of a diamond ring that Trajan himself had received from Nerva, which "encouraged [Hadrian's] hopes of succeeding to the throne".[39][40] While Trajan actively promoted Hadrian's advancement, he did so with caution.[41]

Bust of Emperor Trajan wearing the civic crown and the aegis, symbol of divine power and world domination, Glyptothek, Munich


Failure to nominate an heir could invite chaotic, destructive wresting of power by a succession of competing claimants - a civil war. Too early a nomination could be seen as an abdication, and reduce the chance for an orderly transmission of power.[42] As Trajan lay dying, nursed by his wife, Plotina, and closely watched by Prefect Attianus, he could have lawfully adopted Hadrian as heir, by means of a simple deathbed wish, expressed before witnesses;[43] but when an adoption document was eventually presented, it was signed not by Trajan but by Plotina, and was dated the day after Trajan's death.[44] That Hadrian was still in Syria was a further irregularity, as Roman adoption law required the presence of both parties at the adoption ceremony. Rumours, doubts, and speculation attended Hadrian's adoption and succession. It has been suggested that Trajan's young manservant Phaedimus, who died very soon after Trajan, was killed (or killed himself) rather than face awkward questions.[45] Ancient sources are divided on the legitimacy of Hadrian's adoption: Dio Cassius saw it as bogus and the Historia Augusta writer as genuine.[46] An aureus minted early in Hadrian's reign represents the official position; it presents Hadrian as a "Caesar" (meaning an heir designate).[47]

Emperor (117)

Securing power

The Roman Empire in 125, under the rule of Hadrian
Castel Sant'Angelo, the ancient Hadrian Mausoleum
This famous statue of Hadrian in Greek dress was revealed in 2008 to have been forged in the Victorian era by cobbling together a head of Hadrian and an unknown body. For years, the statue had been used by historians as proof of Hadrian's love of Hellenic culture.[48]

According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian informed the Senate of his accession in a letter as a fait accompli, explaining that "the unseemly haste of the troops in acclaiming him emperor was due to the belief that the state could not be without an emperor".[49] The new emperor rewarded the legions' loyalty with the customary bonus, and the Senate endorsed the acclamation. Various public ceremonies were organized on Hadrian's behalf, celebrating his "divine election" by all the gods, whose community now included Trajan, deified at Hadrian's request.[50]

Statue of Hadrian unearthed at Tel Shalem commemorating Roman military victory over Bar Kochba, displayed at the Israel Museum

Hadrian remained in the east for a while, suppressing the Jewish revolt that had broken out under Trajan. He relieved Judea's governor, the outstanding Moorish general Lusius Quietus, of his personal guard of Moorish auxiliaries;[51][52] then he moved on to quell disturbances along the Danube frontier. In Rome, Attianus, Hadrian's former guardian, took charge as Praetorian Prefect. He claimed to have uncovered a conspiracy involving four leading senators, who included Lusius Quietus.[53] There was no public trial for the four – they were tried in absentia, hunted down and killed.[53] Hadrian claimed that Attianus had acted on his own initiative, and rewarded him with senatorial status and consular rank; then pensioned him off, no later than 120.[54] Hadrian assured the senate that henceforth their ancient right to prosecute and judge their own would be respected.

The reasons for these four executions remain obscure. Official recognition of Hadrian as legitimate heir may have come too late to dissuade other potential claimants.[55] Hadrian's greatest rivals were Trajan's closest friends, the most experienced and senior members of the imperial council;[56] any of them might have been a legitimate competitor for the imperial office (capaces imperii);[57] and any of them might have supported Trajan's expansionist policies, which Hadrian intended to change.[58] One of their number was Aulus Cornelius Palma who as a former conqueror of Arabia Nabatea would have retained a stake in the East.[59] The Historia Augusta describes Palma and a third executed senator, Lucius Publilius Celsus (consul for the second time in 113), as Hadrian's personal enemies, who had spoken in public against him.[60] The fourth was Gaius Avidius Nigrinus, an ex-consul, intellectual, friend of Pliny the Younger and (briefly) Governor of Dacia at the start of Hadrian's reign. He was probably Hadrian's chief rival for the throne; a senator of highest rank, breeding, and connections; according to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian had considered making Nigrinus his heir apparent, before deciding to get rid of him.[61][62]

A denarius of Hadrian issued in 119 AD for his third consulship

Soon after, in 125, Hadrian appointed Marcius Turbo as his Praetorian Prefect.[63] Turbo was his close friend, a leading figure of the equestrian order, a senior court judge and aprocurator.[64][65] As Hadrian also forbade equestrians to try cases against senators,[66] the Senate retained full legal authority over its members; it also remained the highest court of appeal, and formal appeals to the emperor regarding its decisions were forbidden.[67] If this was an attempt to repair the damage done by Attianus, with or without Hadrian's full knowledge, it was not enough; Hadrian's reputation and relationship with his Senate were iredeemably soured, for the rest of his reign.[68] Some sources describe Hadrian's occasional recourse to a network of informers, the frumentarii[69] to discretely investigate persons of high social standing, including senators and his close friends.[70]


Statue of Hadrian in military garb, wearing the civic crown and muscle cuirass, from Antalya, Turkey

Hadrian was to spend more than half his reign outside Italy. Whereas previous emperors had, for the most part, relied on the reports of their imperial representatives around the Empire, Hadrian wished to see things for himself. Previous emperors had often left Rome for long periods, but mostly to go to war, returning once the conflict was settled. Hadrian's near-incessant travels may represent a calculated break with traditions and attitudes in which the empire was a purely Roman hegemony. Hadrian sought to include provincials in a commonwealth of civilized peoples and a common Hellenic culture under Roman supervision.[71] He supported the creation of provincial towns (municipia), semi-autonomous urban communities with their own customs and laws, rather than the imposition of new Roman colonies with Roman constitutions.[72]

The cosmopolitan, ecumenical intent of Hadrian's travels is evident in coin issues of his later reign, showing the emperor "raising up" the personifications of various provinces.[73] The Greek rhetorician Aelius Aristides later wrote that Hadrian "extended over his subjects a protecting hand, raising them as one helps fallen men on their feet".[74]. All this did not go well with Roman traditionalists. The self-indulgent emperor Nero had enjoyed a prolonged and peaceful tour of Greece, and had been criticised by the Roman elite for abandoning his fundamental responsibilities as emperor. In the eastern provinces, and to some extent in the west, Nero had enjoyed popular support; claims of his imminent return or rebirth emerged almost immediately after his death. Hadrian may have consciously exploited these positive, popular connections during his own travels.[75] In the Historia Augusta, Hadrian is described as "a little too much Greek", too cosmopolitan for a Roman emperor.[76]

Britannia and the West (122)

Hadrian's Wall (Vallum Hadriani), a fortification in Northern England (viewed from Vercovicium).
Hadrian's Gate, in Antalya, southern Turkey was built to honour Hadrian who visited the city in 130.

Prior to Hadrian's arrival in Britannia, the province had suffered a major rebellion, from 119 to 121.[77] Inscriptions tell of an expeditio Britannica that involved major troop movements, including the dispatch of a detachment (vexillatio), comprising some 3,000 soldiers. Fronto writes about military losses in Britannia at the time.[78] Coin legends of 119-120 attest that Pompeius Falco was sent to restore order. In 122 Hadrian initiated the construction of a wall, "to separate Romans from barbarians".[79] This deterred attacks on Roman territory at a lower cost than a massed border army,[80] and controlled cross-border trade and immigration.[81] A shrine was erected in York to Brittania as the divine personification of Britain; Coins were struck, bearing her image, identified as BRITANNIA.[82] By the end of 122, Hadrian had concluded his visit to Britannia. He never saw the finished wall that bears his name.

Hadrian appears to have continued through southern Gaul. At Nemausus, he may have overseen the building of a basilica dedicated to his patroness Plotina, who had recently died in Rome and had been deified at Hadrian's request.[83] At around this time, Hadrian dismissed his secretary ab epistulis,[84] the historian Suetonius, for "excessive familiarity" towards the empress.[85] Marcius Turbo's colleague as Praetorian Prefect, Gaius Septicius Clarus was dismissed for the same alleged reason, perhaps a pretext to remove him from office.[86] Hadrian spent the winter of 122/123 at Tarraco, in Spain, where he restored the Temple of Augustus.[87]

Africa, Parthia and Anatolia; Antinous (123–124)

Statue of Antinous (Delphi), polychrome Parian marble, made during the reign of Hadrian

In 123, Hadrian crossed the Mediterranean to Mauretania, where he personally led a minor campaign against local rebels.[88] The visit was cut short by reports of war preparations by Parthia; Hadrian quickly headed eastwards. At some point, he visited Cyrene, where he personally funded the training of young men from well-bred families for the Roman military. Cyrene had benefited earlier (in 119) from his restoration of public buildings destroyed during the earlier Jewish revolt.[89][90]

When Hadrian arrived on the Euphrates, he personally negotiated a settlement with the Parthian King Osroes I, inspected the Roman defences, then set off westwards, along the Black Sea coast.[91] He probably wintered in Nicomedia, the main city of Bithynia. Nicomedia had been hit by an earthquake only shortly before his stay; Hadrian provided funds for its rebuilding, and was acclaimed as restorer of the province.[92]

It is possible that Hadrian visited Claudiopolis and saw the beautiful Antinous, a young man of humble birth who became Hadrian's beloved. Literary and epigraphic sources say nothing on when or where they met; depictions of Antinous show him aged 20 or so, shortly before his death in 130. In 123 he would most likely have been a youth of 13 or 14.[92] It is also possible that Antinous was sent to Rome to be trained as a page to serve the emperor and only gradually rose to the status of imperial favourite.[93] The actual history of their relationship is mostly unknown.[94]

With or without Antinous, Hadrian travelled through Anatolia. His route is unknown. Various traditions suggest his presence at particular locations; he is said to have founded a city within Mysia, Hadrianutherae, after a successful boar hunt, but this is debated. At about this time, plans to complete the Temple of Zeus in Cyzicus, begun by the kings of Pergamon, were put into practice. The temple received a colossal statue of Hadrian, and Cyzicus was made a regional centre for the Imperial cult (neocoros), sharing it with Pergamon, Smyrna, Ephesus and Sardes[95] – something that offered the benefits of Imperial sponsorship of sacred games, attracting tourism, and stimulating private expenditure, as well as channelling intercity rivalry into a common acceptance of Roman rule.[96]

Greece (124–125)

Temple of Zeus in Athens
The Pantheon in Rome was rebuilt by Hadrian.

Hadrian arrived in Greece during the autumn of 124, and participated in the Eleusinian Mysteries. He had a particular commitment to Athens, which had previously granted him citizenship and an archonate; at the Athenians' request, he revised their constitution – among other things, he added a new phyle (tribe), which was named after him.[97] Hadrian combined active, hands-on interventions with cautious restraint. He refused to intervene in a local dispute between producers of olive oil and the Athenian Assembly and Council, who had imposed production quotas on oil producers;[98] yet he granted an imperial subsidy for the Athenian grain supply.[99] Hadrian created two foundations, to fund Athens' public games, festivals and competitions if no citizen proved wealthy or willing enough to sponsor them as a Gymnasiarch or Agonothetes.[100] Generally Hadrian preferred that Greek notables, including priests of the Imperial cult, focus on more durable provisions, such as aqueducts and public fountains (nymphaea).[101] Athens was given two such fountains; another was given to Argos.[102]

During the winter he toured the Peloponnese. His exact route is uncertain, but Pausanias describes temples built by Hadrian, and his statue – in heroic nudity – erected by the grateful citizens of Epidaurus[103] in thanks to their "restorer". He was especially generous to Mantinea, where he restored the Temple of Poseidon Hippios; this supports the theory that Antinous was in fact already Hadrian's lover because of the strong link between Mantinea and Antinous's home in Bithynia.[104] As this kinship between Mantinea and Bythinia was itself a mythological fiction of the kind used at the time for encouraging political alliances between polities, a more serious reason might exist for Hadrian's particular generosity.[105] Hadrian's building programme favoured long-established religious centers. Besides the temple at Mantinea, Hadrian restored other ancient shrines in Abae, Argos – where he restored the Heraion – and Megara.[106] This was a way of gathering legitimacy to Roman imperial rule by associating it with the glories of classical Greece – something well in line with contemporary antiquarian taste in cultural matters.[107] Pausanias credits Hadrian with restoring to Mantinea its ancient, classical name. It had been named Antigoneia since Hellenistic times, in honour of the Macedonian King Antigonus III Doson.[108]

During his tour of the Peloponnese, Hadrian persuaded the Spartan grandee Eurycles Herculanus – leader of the Euryclid family that had ruled Sparta since Augustus' day – to enter the Senate, alongside the Athenian grandee Herodes Atticus the Elder. The two aristocrats would be the first from "Old Greece" to enter the Roman Senate, as representatives of the two "great powers" of the Classical Age.[109] This was an important step in overcoming Greek notables' reluctance to take part in Roman political life.[110] In March 125, Hadrian presided at the Athenian festival of Dionysia, wearing Athenian dress. He initiated a substantial public building program in and around Athens. The Temple of Olympian Zeus had been under construction for more than five centuries; Hadrian committed the vast resources at his command to ensure that the job would be finished. He also organised the planning and construction of a particularly challenging and ambitious aqueduct to bring water to the Athenian agora.[111]

Return to Italy and trip to Africa (126–128)

Hadrian in armour, wearing the gorgoneion; marble, Roman artwork, c. 127–128 AD, from Heraklion, Crete, now in the Louvre, Paris

On his return to Italy, Hadrian made a detour to Sicily. Coins celebrate him as the restorer of the island.[112] Back in Rome, he saw the rebuilt Pantheon, and his completed villa at nearby Tibur, among the Sabine Hills. In early March 127 Hadrian set off on a tour of Italy; his route has been reconstructed through the evidence of his gifts and donations.[112] He restored the shrine of Cupra in Cupra Maritima, and improved the drainage of the Fucine lake. Less welcome than such largesse was his decision in 127 to divide Italy into four regions under imperial legates with consular rank, acting as governors. They were given jurisdiction over all of Italy, excluding Rome itself, therefore shifting cases from the courts of Rome.[113] Having Italy effectively reduced to the status of a group of mere provinces did not go down well with the Roman Senate;[114] and the innovation did not long outlive Hadrian's reign.[112]

Hadrian fell ill around this time; whatever the nature of his illness, it did not stop him from setting off in the spring of 128 to visit Africa. His arrival began with the good omen of rain ending a drought. Along with his usual role as benefactor and restorer, he found time to inspect the troops; his speech to them survives.[115] Hadrian returned to Italy in the summer of 128 but his stay was brief, as he set off on another tour that would last three years.[116]

Greece, Asia, and Egypt (128–130); Antinous's death

Hadrian and Antinous – busts in the British Museum
Ruins of the Arch of Hadrian in Athens, Greece, near the Athenian Acropolis

In September 128, Hadrian attended the Eleusinian mysteries again. This time his visit to Greece seems to have concentrated on Athens and Sparta – the two ancient rivals for dominance of Greece. Hadrian had played with the idea of focusing his Greek revival around the Amphictyonic League based in Delphi, but by now he had decided on something far grander. His new Panhellenion was going to be a council that would bring Greek cities together. Having set in motion the preparations – deciding whose claim to be a Greek city was genuine would take time – Hadrian set off for Ephesus.[117] From Greece, Hadrian proceeded by way of Asia to Egypt. It is known from an inscription that he was probably conveyed across the Aegean with his entourage by an Ephesian merchant, Lucius Erastus. Hadrian later sent a letter on Erastus' behalf to the Council of Ephesus, supporting his request to become a town councillor. Hadrian offered to pay the requisite fee for Erastus' council membership, as long as the Ephesians considered him worthy (as a merchant, he may well have been thought unworthy).[118]

In Egypt, Hadrian opened his stay by restoring Pompey the Great's tomb at Pelusium.[119] Hadrian also offered sacrifice to Pompey as a hero and composed an epigraph for the tomb. As Pompey was universally acknowledged as the conqueror of the Roman East, this restoration was probably linked to a need to reaffirm Roman Eastern hegemony after the recent disturbances there during Trajan's late reign.[120] Also in Egypt, a poem about a lion hunt in the Libyan desert by the Greek Pankrates witnesses for the first time that Antinous travelled alongside Hadrian.[121]

In October 130, while Hadrian and his entourage were sailing on the Nile, Antinous drowned. The exact circumstances surrounding his death are unknown, and accident, suicide, murder and religious sacrifice have all been postulated. Historia Augusta offers the following account:

During a journey on the Nile he lost Antinous, his favourite, and for this youth he wept like a woman. Concerning this incident there are varying rumours; for some claim that he had devoted himself to death for Hadrian, and others – what both his beauty and Hadrian's sensuality suggest. But however this may be, the Greeks deified him at Hadrian's request, and declared that oracles were given through his agency, but these, it is commonly asserted, were composed by Hadrian himself.[122]

Hadrian had Antinous deified as Osiris-Antinous by an Egyptian priest at the ancient Temple of Ramesses II, very near the place of his death. Hadrian dedicated a new temple-city complex there, built in a Graeco-Roman style, and named it Antinopolis.[123] It was a proper Greek polis; it was granted an Imperially subsidised alimentary scheme similar to Trajan's alimenta,[124] and its citizens were allowed intermarriage with members of the native population, without loss of citizen-status. Hadrian thus identified an existing native cult (to Osiris) with Roman rule.[125]

Greece and the East (130–132)

Statue of Hadrian as pontifex maximus, dated 130–140 AD, from Rome, Palazzo Nuovo, Capitoline Museums

Hadrian's movements after the founding of Antinopolis on 30 October 130 are uncertain. Whether or not he returned to Rome, he travelled in the East during 130/131, to organise and inaugurate his new Panhellenion, which was to be focussed on the Athenian Temple to Olympian Zeus. Successful applications for membership involved mythologised or fabricated claims to Greek origins, and affirmations of loyalty to Imperial Rome, to satisfy Hadrian's personal, idealised notions of Hellenism.[126][127] Hadrian saw himself as protector of Greek culture and the "liberties" of Greece – in this case, urban self-government. It allowed Hadrian to appear as the fictive heir to Pericles, who supposedly had convened a previous Panhellenic Congress – such a Congress is mentioned only in Pericles' biography by Plutarch, whose sympathies to the Imperial order are well-known.[128]

Epigraphical evidence suggests that the prospect of applying to the Panhellenion held little attraction to the wealthier, Hellenised cities of Asia Minor, which were jealous of Athenian and European Greek preeminence within Hadrian's scheme.[129] Hadrian's notion of Hellenism was narrow and deliberately archaising; he defined "Greekness" in terms of classical roots, rather than a broader, Hellenistic culture.[130] The German sociologist Georg Simmel remarked that the Panhellenion was based on "games, commemorations, preservation of an ideal, an entirely non-political Hellenism".[131]

Colossal portrait bust of the emperor Hadrian with a wreath of oak leaves (AD 117–138); pentelic marble, found in Athens, National Archaeological Museum, Athens

This third and last trip to the Greek East produced much religious enthusiasm in the region centred around Hadrian, who received a personal cult as a deity and many monuments and civic homages, according to the religious syncretism at the time.[132] Around the same time, Hadrian bestowed honorific titles on many regional centres.[133] Palmyra received a state visit and was given the civic name Hadriana Palmyra.[134] Hadrian also bestowed honours on various Palmyrene magnates, among them one Soados, who had done much to protect Palmyrene trade between the Roman Empire and Parthia.[135]

Hadrian and spent the winter of 131–32 in Athens, where he dedicated the now-completed Temple of Olympian Zeus,[136] At some time in 132, he headed East, to Judaea.

Second Roman–Jewish War (132–136)

Coinage minted to mark Hadrian's visit to Judea
Porphyry statue of Hadrian discovered in Caesarea, Israel

In Roman Judaea Hadrian visited Jerusalem, which was still ruinous after the First Roman–Jewish War of 66–73. He may have planned to rebuild Jerusalem as a Roman colony – as Vespasian had done with Caesarea Maritima – with various honorific and fiscal privileges. The non-Roman population would have no obligation to participate in Roman religious rituals, but were expected to support the Roman imperial order; this is attested in Caesarea, where some Jews served in the Roman army during both the 66 and 132 rebellions.[137] It has been speculated that Hadrian intended to assimilate the Jewish Temple to the traditional Roman civic-religious Imperial cult; such assimilations had long been commonplace practise in Greece and in other provinces, and on the whole, had been successful.[138][139] The neighbouring Samaritans had already integrated their religious rites with Hellenistic ones.[140] Strict Jewish monotheismn proved more resistant to Imperial cajoling, and then to Imperial demands.[141] A massive anti-Hellenistic and anti-Roman Jewish uprising broke out, led by Simon bar Kokhba. The Roman governor Tineius (Tynius) Rufus asked for an army to crush the resistance; bar Kokhba punished any Jew who refused to join his ranks.[142] According to Justin Martyr and Eusebius, that had to do mostly with Christian converts, who opposed bar Kokhba's messianic claims.[143]

A tradition based on the Historia Augusta suggests that the revolt was spurred by Hadrian's abolition of circumcision (brit milah);[144] which as a Hellenist he viewed as mutilation.[145] The scholar Peter Schäfer maintains that there is no evidence for this claim, given the notoriously problematical nature of the Historia Augusta as a source, the "tomfoolery" shown by the writer in the relevant passage, and the fact that contemporary Roman legislation on "genital mutilation" seems to address the general issue of castration of slaves by their masters.[146][147][148] Other issues could have contributed to the outbreak; a heavy-handed, culturally insensitive Roman administration; tensions between the landless poor and incoming Roman colonists privileged with land-grants; and a strong undercurrent of messianism, predicated on Jeremiah's prophecy that the Temple would be rebuilt seventy years after its destruction, as the First Temple had been after the Babylonian exile.[149]

Relief from an honorary monument of Hadrian (detail), showing the emperor being greeted by the goddess Roma and the Genii of the Senate and the Roman People; marble, Roman artwork, 2nd century AD, Capitoline Museums, Vatican City

The Romans were overwhelmed by the organised ferocity of the uprising.[150] Hadrian called his general Sextus Julius Severus from Britain, and brought troops in from as far as the Danube. Roman losses were heavy; an entire legion or its numeric equivalent of around 4,000.[151] Hadrian's report on the war to the Roman Senate omitted the customary salutation, "If you and your children are in health, it is well; I and the legions are in health."[152] The rebellion was quashed by 135. According to Cassius Dio, Roman war operations in Judea left some 580,000 Jews dead, and 50 fortified towns and 985 villages razed. An unknown proportion of the population was enslaved. Beitar, a fortified city 10 kilometres (6.2 mi) southwest of Jerusalem, fell after a three and a half year siege. The extent of punitive measures against the Jewish population remains a matter of debate.[153]

Hadrian erased the province's name from the Roman map, renaming it Syria Palaestina. He renamed Jerusalem Aelia Capitolina after himself and Jupiter Capitolinus, and had it rebuilt in Greek style. According to Epiphanius, Hadrian appointed Aquila from Sinope in Pontus as "overseer of the work of building the city", since he was related to him by marriage.[154] Hadrian is said to have placed the city's main Forum at the junction of the main Cardo and Decumanus Maximus, now the location for the (smaller) Muristan. After the suppression of the Jewish revolt, Hadrian provided the Samaritans with a temple, dedicated to Zeus Hypsistos ("Highest Zeus")[155] on Mount Gerizim.[156] The bloody repression of the revolt ended Jewish political independence from the Roman Imperial order.[157]

Inscriptions make it clear that in 133 Hadrian took to the field with his armies, against the rebels. He then returned to Rome, probably in that year and almost certainly – judging from inscriptions – via Illyricum.[158]

Final years

Bronze head of Hadrian found in the River Thames in London. Now in the British Museum.
Imperial group as Mars and Venus; the male figure is a portrait of Hadrian, the female figure was reworked into a portrait of Annia Lucilla (?); marble, Roman artwork, c. 120–140 AD, reworked c. 170–175 AD.

Hadrian spent the final years of his life at Rome. In 134, he took an Imperial salutation for the end of the Second Jewish War (which was not actually concluded until the following year). Commemorations and achievement awards were kept to a minimum, as Hadrian came to see the war "as a cruel and sudden disappointment to his aspirations" towards a cosmopolitan empire.[159] In 136, he dedicated a new Temple of Venus and Roma on the former site of Nero's Golden House. The temple was the largest in Rome, and was built in an Hellenising style, more Greek than Roman. The temple's dedication and statuary associated the worship of the traditional Roman goddess Venus, divine ancestress and protector of the Roman people, with the worship of the goddess Roma – herself a Greek invention, hitherto worshiped only in the provinces – to emphasise the universal nature of the empire.[160]

The Empress Sabina died probably in 136, after an unhappy marriage with which Hadrian had coped as a political necessity. The Historia Augusta biography states that Hadrian himself declared that his wife's "ill-temper and irritability" would be reason enough for a divorce, were he a private citizen.[161] That gave credence, after Sabina's death, to the common belief that Hadrian had her poisoned.[162] As befitted Hadrian's dynastic legitimacy, Sabina – who had been made an Augusta sometime around 128[163] – was deified not long after her death.[164]

Arranging the succession

Hadrian's marriage to Sabina had been childless. Suffering from poor health, Hadrian turned to the problem of the succession. In 136 he adopted one of the ordinary consuls of that year, Lucius Ceionius Commodus, who as an emperor-in waiting took the name Lucius Aelius Caesar. He was the son-in-law of Gaius Avidius Nigrinus, one of the "four consulars" executed in 118, but was himself in delicate health, apparently with a reputation more "of a voluptuous, well educated great lord than that of a leader".[165] Various modern attempts have been made to explain Hadrian's choice: Jerome Carcopino proposes that Aelius was Hadrian's natural son.[166] It has also been speculated that his adoption was Hadrian's belated attempt to reconcile with one of the most important of the four senatorial families whose leading members had been executed soon after Hadrian's succession.[74] Aelius acquitted himself honourably as joint governor of Pannonia Superior and Pannonia Inferior;[167] he held a further consulship in 137, but died on 1 January 138.[168]

Hadrian next adopted Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus (the future emperor Antoninus Pius), who had served Hadrian as one of the five imperial legates of Italy, and as proconsul of Asia. In the interests of dynastic stability, Hadrian required that Antoninus adopt both Lucius Ceionius Commodus (son of the deceased Aelius Caesar) and Marcus Annius Verus (grandson of an influential senator of the same name who had been Hadrian's close friend; Annius was already betrothed to Aelius Caesar's daughter Ceionia Fabia;[169][170] It may not have been Hadrian, but rather Antoninus Pius – Annius Verus's uncle – who supported Annius Verus' advancement; the latter's divorce of Ceionia Fabia and subsequent marriage to Antoninus' daughter Annia Faustina points in the same direction. When he eventually became Emperor, Marcus Aurelius would co-opt Ceionius Commodus as his co-Emperor, under the name of Lucius Verus, on his own initiative.[169]

Hadrian's last few years were marked by conflict and unhappiness. His adoption of Aelius Caesar proved unpopular, not least with Hadrian's brother-in-law Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus and Servianus's grandson Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator. Servianus, though now far too old, had stood in the line of succession at the beginning of Hadrian's reign; Fuscus is said to have had designs on the imperial power for himself. In 137 he may have attempted a coup in which his grandfather was implicated; Hadrian ordered that both be put to death.[171] Servianus is reported to have prayed before his execution that Hadrian would "long for death but be unable to die".[172] During his final, protracted illness, Hadrian was prevented from suicide on several occasions.[173]


Posthumous portrait of Hadrian; bronze, Roman artwork, c. 140 AD, perhaps from Roman Egypt, Louvre, Paris

Hadrian died in the year 138 on the 10th of July, in his villa at Baiae at the age of 62. The cause of death is believed to have been heart failure. Dio Cassius and the Historia Augusta record details of his failing health. He had reigned for 21 years, the longest since Tiberius, and the fourth longest in the Principate, after Augustus, Hadrian's successor Antoninus Pius, and Tiberius.

He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius, who also died in 138. After threatening the Senate – which toyed with refusing Hadrian's divine honours – by refusing to assume power himself,[174] Antoninus eventually succeeded in having his predecessor deified[175] in 139 and given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces.[176] The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father.[174] At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum.[177]


Bust of Emperor Hadrian. Roman 117–138 CE. Probably from Rome, Italy. Formerly in the Townley Collection. Now housed in the British Museum, London

Most of Hadrian's military activities were consistent with his ideology of Empire as a community of mutual interest and support. He focussed on protection from external and internal threats; on "raising up" existing provinces, rather than the aggressive acquisition of wealth and territory through subjugation of "foreign" peoples that had characterised the early Empire.[178] While the empire as a whole benefited from this, military careerists resented the loss of opportunities.

Hadrian sought to surround the empire with stable, sustainable borders, and employed a variety of means to deal with potential and actual threats to the Empire's integrity. The 4th-century historian Aurelius Victor charged him with jealous belittlement of Trajan's achievements (Traiani gloriae invidens), abandoning the latter's conquests in Mesopotamia.[179] More likely, an expansionist policy was no longer realistic; the Empire had lost two legions, the Legio XXII Deiotariana and the "lost legion" IX Hispania, possibly destroyed in a late Trajanic uprising by the Brigantes in Britain.[180] Trajan himself may have thought his gains in Mesopotamian indefensible, and abandoned them shortly before his death.[181]. Hadrian granted parts of Dacia to the Roxolani Sarmatians; their king Rasparaganus received Roman citizenship, client king status, and possibly an increased subsidy.[182] Hadrian's presence on the Dacian front at this time is mere conjecture; but Dacia was included in his coin series with allegories of the provinces.[183] A controlled, partial withdrawal from the Dacian plains would have been less costly than maintaining several Roman cavalry units and a supporting network of fortifications.[184]

Hadrian retained control over Osroene through the client king Parthamaspates, who had once served as Trajan's client king of Parthia;[185] and around 121, Hadrian negotiated a peace treaty with the now-independent Parthia. Late in his reign (135), the Alani attacked Roman Cappadocia with the covert support of Pharasmanes, king of Caucasian Iberia. The attack was repulsed by Hadrian's governor, the historian Arrian,[186] who subsequently installed a Roman "adviser" in Iberia.[187] Arrian kept Hadrian well-informed On all questions related to the Black Sea and the Caucasus. Between 131 and 132 he sent Hadrian a lengthy letter (Periplus of the Euxine) on a maritime trip around the Black Sea, intended to offer relevant information in case a Roman intervention was needed.[188]

Hadrian also developed permanent fortifications and military posts along the empire's borders (limites, sl. limes) to support his policy of stability, peace and preparedness. This helped keep the military usefully occupied in times of peace; his Wall across Britania was built by ordinary troops. A series of mostly wooden fortifications, forts, outposts and watchtowers strengthened the Danube and Rhine borders. Troops practised intensive, regular drill routines. Although his coins showed military images almost as often as peaceful ones, Hadrian's policy was peace through strength, even threat,[189] with an emphasis on disciplina (discipline), which was the subject of two monetary series. Cassius Dio praised Hadrian's emphasis on "spit and polish" as cause for the generally peaceful character of his reign.[190] Fronto expressed other opinions on the subject. In his view, Hadrian preferred war games to actual war, and enjoyed "giving eloquent speeches to the armies" – like the inscribed series of addresses he made while on an inspection tour, during 128, at the new headquarters of Legio III Augusta in Lambaesis[191]

Faced with a shortage of legionary recruits from Italy and other Romanised provinces, Hadrian systematised the use of less costly numeri – ethnic non-citizen troops with special weapons, such as Eastern mounted archers – in low-intensity, mobile defensive tasks such as dealing with border infiltrators and skirmishers.[192][193] Hadrian is also credited with introducing units of heavy cavalry (cataphracts) into the Roman army.[194] Fronto later blamed Hadrian for declining standards in the Roman army of his own time.[195]

Legal and social

Hadrian enacted, through the jurist Salvius Julianus, the first attempt to codify Roman law. This was the Perpetual Edict, according to which the legal actions of praetors became fixed statutes, and as such could no longer be subjected to personal interpretation or change by any magistrate other than the Emperor.[196][197] At the same time, following a procedure initiated by Domitian, Hadrian made the Emperor's legal advisory board, the consilia principis ("council of the princeps") into a permanent body, staffed by salaried legal aides.[198] Its members were mostly drawn from the equestrian class, replacing the earlier freedmen of the Imperial household.[199][200] This innovation marked the superseding of surviving Republican institutions by an openly autocratic political system.[201] The reformed bureaucracy was supposed to exercise administrative functions independently of traditional magistracies; objectively it did not detract from the Senate's position. The new civil servants were free men and as such supposed to act on behalf of the interests of the "Crown", not of the Emperor as an individual.[199] However, the Senate never accepted the loss of its prestige caused by the emergence of a new aristocracy alongside it, placing more strain on the already troubled relationship between the Senate and the Emperor.[202]

Hadrian codified the customary legal privileges of the wealthiest, most influential or highest status citizens (described as splendidiores personae or honestiores), who held a traditional right to pay fines when found guilty of relatively minor, non-treasonous offences. Low ranking persons - alii ("the others"), including low-ranking citizens - were humiliores who for the same offences could be subject to extreme physical punishments, including forced labour in the mines or in public works, as a form of fixed-term servitude. While Republican citizenship had carried at least notional equality under law, and the right to justice, offences in Imperial courts were judged and punished according to the relative prestige, rank, reputation and moral worth of both parties; senatorial courts were apt to be lenient when trying one of their peers, and to deal very harshly with offences committed against one of their number by low ranking citizens or non-citizens. For treason (maiestas) beheading was the worst punishment that the law could inflict on honestiores; the humiliores might suffer crucifixion, burning, or condemnation to the beasts in the arena.[203]

A great number of Roman citizens maintained a precarious social and economic advantage at the lower end of the hierarchy. Hadrian found it necessary to clarify that decurions, the usually middle-class, elected local officials responsible for running the ordinary, everyday official business of the provinces, counted as honestiores; so did soldiers, veterans and their families, as far as civil law was concerned; by implication, all others, including freedmen and slaves, counted as humliores. Like most Romans, Hadrian seems to have accepted slavery as morally correct, an expression of the same natural order that rewarded "the best men" with wealth, power and respect. When confronted by a crowd demanding the freeing of a popular slave charioteer, Hadrian replied that he could not free a slave belonging to another person.[204] However, he limited the punishments that slaves could suffer; they could be lawfully tortured to provide evidence, but they could not be lawfully killed unless guilty of a capital offence.[205] Masters were also forbidden to sell slaves to a gladiator trainer (lanista) or to a procurer, except as legally justified punishment.[206] Hadrian also forbade torture of free defendants and witnesses.[207][208] He abolished ergastula, private prisons for slaves in which kidnapped free men had sometimes been illegally detained.[209]

Hadrian issued a general rescript, imposing a ban on castration, performed on freeman or slave, voluntarily or not, on pain of death for both the performer and the patient.[210] Under the Lex Cornelia de Sicaris et Veneficis, castration was place on a par with conspiracy to murder, and punished accordingly.[211] Notwithstanding his philhellenism, Hadrian was also a traditionalist. He enforced dress-standards among the honestiores; senators and knights were expected to wear the toga when in public. He imposed strict separation between the sexes in theaters and public baths; to discourage idleness, the latter were not allowed to open until 2.00 in the afternoon, "except for medical reasons".[212]


Imperial cult

One of Hadrian's immediate duties on accession was to seek senatorial consent for the apotheosis of his predecessor, Trajan, and any members of Trajan's family to whom he owed a debt of gratitude. During his return from Brittania, Hadrian may have stopped at Nemausus, to oversee the completion of foundation of a basilica dedicated to his patroness Plotina, who had recently died in Rome and had been deified at Hadrian's request.[213] Shortly before Plotina's death, Hadrian had granted her wish that the leadership of the Epicurean School in Athens be open to a non-Roman candidate.[214] Matidia Augusta, Hadrian's mother-in-law, had died earlier, in December 119, and had also been deified.[215]

As Emperor, Hadrian was also Rome's pontifex maximus, responsible for all religious affairs and the proper functioning of official religious institutions throughout the empire. His Hispano-Roman origins and marked pro-Hellenism shifted the focus of the official imperial cult, from Rome to the Provinces. While his standard coin issues still identified him with the traditional genius populi Romani, other issues stressed his personal identification with Hercules Gaditanus (Hercules of Gades), and Rome's imperial protection of Greek civilisation.[216] He promoted Sagalassos in Greek Pisidia as the Empire's leading Imperial cult centre; his exclusively Greek Panhellenion extolled Athens as the spiritual centre of Greek culture.[217]


Hadrian was criticized for the open intensity of his grief at Antinous's death, particularly as he had delayed the apotheosis of his own sister Paulina after her death.[218] But his attempt at turning the deceased youth into a cult-figure found little opposition.[219] The cult of Antinous was to become very popular in the Greek-speaking world, and also found support in the West. In Hadrian's villa, statues of the Tyrannicides, with a bearded Aristogeiton and a clean-shaven Harmodios, linked his favourite to the classical tradition of Greek love[220] Antinous was also compared to the Celtic sun-god Belenos.[221]

Medals were struck with Antinous's effigy, and statues erected to him in all parts of the empire, in all kinds of garb, including Egyptian dress.[222] Temples were built for his worship in Bithynia and Mantineia in Arcadia. In Athens, festivals were celebrated in his honour and oracles delivered in his name. Antinous was not part of the state-sponsored, official Roman imperial cult, but provided a common focus for the emperor and his subjects, emphasizing their sense of community.[223] As an "international" cult figure, Antinous had an enduring fame, far outlasting Hadrian's reign.[224] Local coins with his effigy were still being struck during Caracalla's reign, and he was invoked in a poem to celebrate the accession of Diocletian.[225]


Hadrian continued Trajan's policy on Christians; they should not be sought out, and should only be prosecuted for specific offences, such as refusal to swear oaths.[226] In a rescript addressed to the proconsul of Asia Minutius Fundanus and preserved by Justin Martyr, Hadrian laid down that accusers of Christians had to bear the burden of proof for their denunciations[227] or be punished for calumnia (defamation).[228]

Personal and cultural interests

Hadrian on the obverse of an aureus (123). The reverse bears a personification of Aequitas Augusti or Juno Moneta

Hadrian had an abiding and enthusiastic interest in art, architecture and public works. Rome's Pantheon (temple "to all the gods"), originally built by Agrippa and destroyed by fire in 80, was partly restored under Trajan and completed under Hadrian in the domed form it retains to this day. Hadrian's Villa at Tibur (Tivoli) provides the greatest Roman equivalent of an Alexandrian garden, complete with domed Serapeum, recreating a sacred landscape.[229] An epitome of Cassius Dio provides an anecdote that suggests Hadrian had a high opinion of his own architectural tastes and talents, and took their rejection as a personal offense: at some time before his reign, his predecessor Trajan was discussing an architectural problem with Apollodorus of Damascus - architect and designer of Trajan's Forum, the Column commemorating his Dacian conquest, and his bridge across the Danube - when Hadrian interrupted to offer his advice. Apollodorus gave him a scathing response: "Be off, and draw your gourds [a sarcastic reference to the domes which Hadrian apparently liked to draw]. You don't understand any of these matters. Dio also claims that once Hadrian became emperor, he showed Apollodorus drawings of the gigantic Temple of Venus and Roma, implying that great buildings could be created without his help. When Apollodorus pointed out the building's various insoluble problems and faults, Hadrian was enraged, sent him into exile,and later put him to death on trumped up charges.[230][231]

Hadrian wrote poetry in both Latin and Greek; one of the few surviving examples is a Latin poem he reportedly composed on his deathbed (see below). Some of his Greek productions found their way into the Palatine Anthology.[232][233] He also wrote an autobiography, which Historia Augusta says was published under the name of Hadrian's freedman Phlegon of Tralles. It was not, apparently, a work of great length or revelation, but designed to scotch various rumours or explain Hadrian's most controversial actions.[234] It is possible that this autobiography had the form of a series of open letters to Antoninus Pius.[235]

According to one source, Hadrian was a passionate hunter from a young age.[236] In northwest Asia, he founded and dedicated a city to commemorate a she-bear he killed.[237] It is documented that in Egypt he and his beloved Antinous killed a lion.[237] In Rome, eight reliefs featuring Hadrian in different stages of hunting decorate a building that began as a monument celebrating a kill.[237]

Hadrian's philhellenism may have been one reason for his adoption, like Nero before him, of the beard as suited to Roman imperial dignity; Dio of Prusa had equated the growth of the beard with the Hellenic ethos.[238]. Hadrian's beard may also have served to conceal his natural facial blemishes.[239] Most emperors before him had been clean-shaven; most who came after him were bearded, at least until Constantine the Great.[citation needed]

Hadrian was familiar with the Stoic philosophers Epictetus, and Favorinus, and with their works. During his first stay in Greece, before he became emperor, he attended lectures by Epictetus at Nicopolis.[240]

During Hadrian's time as Tribune of the Plebs, omens and portents supposedly announced his future imperial condition.[241] According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian had a great interest in astrology and divination and had been told of his future accession to the Empire by a grand-uncle who was himself a skilled astrologer.[242]

Poem by Hadrian

According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian composed the following poem shortly before his death:[243]

Animula, vagula, blandula
Hospes comesque corporis
Quae nunc abibis in loca
Pallidula, rigida, nudula,
Nec, ut soles, dabis iocos...
P. Aelius Hadrianus Imp.
Roving amiable little soul,
Body's companion and guest,
Now descending for parts
Colourless, unbending, and bare
Your usual distractions no more shall be there...

The poem has enjoyed remarkable popularity,[244][245] but uneven critical acclaim.[246] According to Aelius Spartianus, the alleged author of Hadrian's biography in the Historia Augusta, Hadrian "wrote also similar poems in Greek, not much better than this one".[247] T. S. Eliot's poem "Animula" may have been inspired by Hadrian's, though the relationship is not unambiguous.[248]


Hadrian has been described as the most versatile of all Roman emperors.[249] Schiller called Hadrian "the Empire's first servant". Edward Gibbon admired his "vast and active genius" and his "equity and moderation". In 1776, he stated that Hadrian's era was part of the "happiest era of human history". In his Meditations, written during his reign as emperor, Marcus Aurelius lists those to whom he owes a debt of gratitude; Hadrian is conspicuously absent.[250] Hadrian's tense, authoritarian relationship with his senate was acknowledged a generation after his death by Fronto, himself a senator, who wrote in one of his letters to Marcus Aurelius that "I praised the deified Hadrian, your grandfather, in the senate on a number of occasions with great enthusiasm, and I did this willingly, too [...] But, if it can be said – respectfully acknowledging your devotion towards your grandfather – I wanted to appease and assuage Hadrian as I would Mars Gradivus or Dis Pater, rather than to love him."[251] Fronto adds, in another letter, that he kept some friendships, during Hadrian's reign, "under the risk of my life" (cum periculo capitis).[252] The veiled antagonism between Hadrian and the Senate never grew to overt confrontation as had happened during the reigns of overtly "bad" emperors, because Hadrian knew how to remain aloof and avoid an open clash.[253] That Hadrian spent half of his reign away from Rome in constant travel undoubtedly helped the management of this strained relationship.[254]

The Senate's political role was effaced behind Hadrian's personal rule (in Ronald Syme's view. Hadrian "was a Führer, a Duce, a Caudillo").[255] Hadrian underscored the autocratic character of his reign by counting his dies imperii from the day of his acclamation by the armies, rather than the senate, and legislating by frequent use of imperial decrees to bypass the Senate's approval.[256] According to Syme, Tacitus' description of the rise and accession of Tiberius is a disguised account of Hadrian's authoritarian Principate.[257] According, again, to Syme, Tacitus' Annals would be a work of contemporary history, written "during Hadrian's reign and hating it".[258]

Sources and historiography

In Hadrian's time, there was already a well established convention that one could not write a contemporary Roman imperial history for fear of contradicting what the emperors wanted to say, read or hear about themselves.[259][260] Political histories of Hadrian's reign come mostly from later sources, some of them written centuries after the reign itself. Book 69 of the early 3rd-century Roman History by Cassius Dio gives a general account of Hadrian's reign, but the original is lost; what survives is a brief, Byzantine-era abridgment by the 11th-century monk Xiphilinius, focussed on Hadrian's religious interests and the Bar Kokhba war, and little else. Hadrian's is the first in the series of probably late 4th-century imperial biographies known as Historia Augusta. The collection as a whole is notorious for its unreliability ("a mish mash of actual fact, cloak and dagger, sword and sandal, with a sprinkling of Ubu Roi"),[261] but most modern historians consider its account of Hadrian to be relatively free of outright fictions, and probably based on sound historical sources.[262] Its principal source is generally assumed, on the basis of indirect evidence, to be one of a lost series of imperial biographies by the prominent 3rd-century senator Marius Maximus, covering the reigns of Nerva through to Elagabalus.[263] Greek authors such as Philostratus and Pausanias, who wrote shortly after Hadrian's reign, confined their scope to the general historical framework that shaped Hadrian's decisions, especially those relating to Greece. Fronto left Latin correspondence and works attesting to Hadrian's character and his reign's internal politics.[264]

In modern scholarship, these accounts are supplemented by epigraphical, numismatic, archaeological, and other non-literary sources, without which no detailed, chronological account would be possible; the first modern historian to attempt such an account was the German 19th-century medievalist Ferdinand Gregorovius.[265][266]

German historian Wilhelm Weber produced a 1907 biography of Hadrian.[265] Weber was an extreme German nationalist and later a Nazi Party supporter. In keeping with his general view on Roman history, his views on Hadrian, and especially the Bar Kokhba war, are ideologically loaded.[267][268] The 1923 Hadrian English biography by B.W. Henderson is more readable in the way of a summing-up and interpretation of the written sources, but Henderson's anti-German bias made him completely ignore Weber's study of the non-literary sources.[265]

Only after the development of epigraphical studies in the post-war period could an alternate historiography of Hadrian develop, that leaned less on the ancient literary tradition. The ancient tradition had as its leitmotif a comparison between Hadrian and Trajan- mostly to the former's disadvantage. On the other hand, modern historiography on Hadrian sought to explore the meaning (as in the title of a recent summing-up work by the German historian Susanne Mortensen)[269] attached by Hadrian to his policies on various fields, as well as the particular aspects of these policies. According to historians such as the Italian M.A. Levi, a summing-up of Hadrian's policies should stress the ecumenical character of the Empire, his development of an alternate bureaucracy disconnected from the Senate and adapted to the needs of an "enlightened" autocracy, as well as his overall defensive grand strategy. According to Levi, that would be enough to allow us to consider Hadrian as a grand Roman political reformer, the creator of an absolute monarchy in the place of a senatorial republic – even a sham one.[270] British historian Robin Lane Fox, in his book about the Classical World, credits Hadrian with the creation of a unified Greco-Roman cultural tradition, but at the same time he considers Hadrian to be the end of this same tradition, as Hadrian's "restoration" of the Classical Age into the framework of an undemocratic Empire simply emptied it of substantive meaning, or, in Fox's words, "kill[ed] it with kindness".[271] The latest (1997) English biography by Anthony Birley sums up and reflect these developments in Hadrian historiography.

Nerva–Antonine family tree


  1. ^ In Classical Latin, Hadrian's name would be inscribed as PVBLIVS AELIVS HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS.
  2. ^ As emperor his name was Imperator Caesar Divi Traiani filius Traianus Hadrianus Augustus.


  1. ^ Mary T. Boatwright (2008). "From Domitian to Hadrian". In Barrett, Anthony. Lives of the Caesars. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 159. ISBN 978-1-4051-2755-4. 
  2. ^ Alicia M. Canto, Itálica, sedes natalis de Adriano. 31 textos históricos y argumentos para una secular polémica, Athenaeum XCII/2, 2004, 367-408.
  3. ^ Ando, Clifford. “Phoenix.” Phoenix, vol. 52, no. 1/2, 1998, pp. 183–185. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/1088268.
  4. ^ Alicia M. Canto, "Itálica, patria y ciudad natal de Adriano (31 textos históricos y argumentos contra Vita Hadr). His father died in AD 86 when Hadrian was at the age of 10. 1, 3", Athenaeum vol. 92.2, 2004, pp. 367–408 UNIPV.it Archived 15 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine.
  5. ^ Ronald Syme, in his paper "Hadrian and Italica" (Journal of Roman Studies, LIV, 1964; pp. 142–149) supported the position that Rome was Hadrian's birthplace. Canto, however, argues that only one extant ancient source gives Hadrian's birthplace as Rome (SHA, Vita Hadr 2,4, probably interpolated), as opposed to 25 other sources affirming that he was born in Italica. Among these alternative sources is Hadrian's own imperial horoscope, included in the surviving fragments of an astrological compendium attributed to Antigonus of Nicaea, written during the late 2nd century:cf. Stephan Heiler, "The Emperor Hadrian in the Horoscopes of Antigonus of Nicaea", in Günther Oestmann, H. Darrel Rutkin, Kocku von Stuckrad, eds.,Horoscopes and Public Spheres: Essays on the History of Astrology. Berlim: Walter de Gruyter, 2005, ISBN 978-3-11-018545-4, page 49. This horoscope was well studied by prominent authors such as F. H. Cramer, Astrology in Roman Law and Politics, Mem.Amer.Philos.Soc. nr. 37, Philadelphia, 1954 (repr. 1996), see for Hadrian pp. 162–178, fn. 121b and 122, etc.: "... Hadrian – whose horoscope is absolutely certain – surely was born in southern Spain ... (in) SHA, Hadrian, 2, 4, the birth was erroneously assigned to Rome instead of Italica, the actual birthplace of Hadrian...", or O. Neugebauer and H. B. Van Hoesen in their magisterial compilation Greek Horoscopes, Mem.Amer.Philos.Soc. nr. 48, Philadelphia, 1959, nr. L76, see now here, ed. 1987 pp. 80, 90–1, and his footnote 19. They came also to the conclusion that the astronomic parallel of the Hadrian's birth is situated in the Baetica, today Andalusia: "...L40 agrees exactly with the geographical latitude of southern Spain, the place of origin of Hadrian and his family...".. "since Hadrian was born in Italica (southern Spain, near Seville, latitude about 37° 30)...".
  6. ^ Historia Augusta, 'Hadrian', I-II, here explicitly citing the autobiography. This is one of the passages in the Historia Augusta where there is no reason to suspect invention. But see now the Canto's 31 contrary arguments in the op.cit. supra; among them, in the same Historia Augusta and, from the same author, Aelius Spartianus, Vita Sev. 21: Falsus est etiam ipse Traianus in suo municipe ac nepote diligendo, see also es:Adriano#cite note-nacimiento-0, and, characterizing him as a man of provinces (Canto, ibid.): Vita Hadr. 1,3: Quaesturam gessit Traiano quater et Articuleio consulibus, in qua cum orationem imperatoris in senatu agrestius pronuntians risus esset, usque ad summam peritiam et facundiam Latinis operam dedit
  7. ^ Alicia M. Canto, "La dinastía Ulpio-Aelia (96–192 d.C.): ni tan Buenos, ni tan Adoptivos ni tan Antoninos". Gerión (21.1): 263–305. 2003
  8. ^ On the numerous senatorial families from Spain residing at Rome and its vicinity around the time of Hadrian's birth see R. Syme, 'Spaniards at Tivoli', in Roman Papers IV (Oxford, 1988), pp. 96–114. Tivoli (Tibur) was of course the site of Hadrian's own imperial villa.
  9. ^ a b Royston Lambert, Beloved And God, pp. 31–32.
  10. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 37
  11. ^ John D. Grainger, Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis of AD 96–99. Abingdon: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-415-34958-3, p. 109
  12. ^ Thorsten Opper, The Emperor Hadrian. British Museum Press, 2008, p. – 39
  13. ^ Jörg Fündling, Kommentar zur Vita Hadriani der Historia Augusta (= Antiquitas. Reihe 4: Beiträge zur Historia-Augusta-Forschung, Serie 3: Kommentare, Bände 4.1 und 4.2). Habelt, Bonn 2006, ISBN 3-7749-3390-1, p. 351.
  14. ^ John D. Grainger, Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis, p. 109; Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds. The Cambridge Ancient History – XI. Cambridge U. P.: 2000, ISBN 0-521-26335-2, p. 133.
  15. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 54
  16. ^ Boatwright, in Barrett, p. 158
  17. ^ The text of Historia Augusta (Vita Hadriani, 3.8) is garbled, stating that Hadrian's election to the praetorship was contemporary "to the second consulate of Suburanus and Servianus" – two characters that had non-simultaneous second consulships – so Hadrian's election could be dated to 102 or 104, the later date being the most accepted
  18. ^ a b Bowman, p. 133
  19. ^ Anthony Everitt, 2013, Chapter XI: "holding back the Sarmatians" may simply have meant maintaining and patrolling the border.
  20. ^ The inscription in footnote 1
  21. ^ The Athenian inscription confirms and expands the one in Historia Augusta; see John Bodel, ed., Epigraphic Evidence: Ancient History From Inscriptions. Abingdon: Routledge, 2006, ISBN 0-415-11623-6, p. 89
  22. ^ His career in office up to 112/113 is attested by the Athens inscription, 112 AD: CIL III, 550 = InscrAtt 3 = IG II, 3286 = Dessau 308 = IDRE 2, 365: decemvir stlitibus iudicandis/ sevir turmae equitum Romanorum/ praefectus Urbi feriarum Latinarum/ tribunus militum legionis II Adiutricis Piae Fidelis (95, in Pannonia Inferior)/ tribunus militum legionis V Macedonicae (96, in Moesia Inferior)/ tribunus militum legionis XXII Primigeniae Piae Fidelis (97, in Germania Superior)/ quaestor (101)/ ab actis senatus/ tribunus plebis (105)/ praetor (106)/ legatus legionis I Minerviae Piae Fidelis (106, in Germania Inferior)/ legatus Augusti pro praetore Pannoniae Inferioris (107)/ consul suffectus (108)/ septemvir epulonum (before 112)/ sodalis Augustalis (before 112)/ archon Athenis (112/13). He also held office as legatus Syriae (117): see H. W. Benario in Roman-emperors.org
  23. ^ Anthony Birley, Hadrian the Restless Emperor, p. 68
  24. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 75
  25. ^ Karl Strobel: Kaiser Traian. Eine Epoche der Weltgeschichte. Regensburg: 2010, p. 401.
  26. ^ Hidalgo de la Vega, Maria José: "Plotina, Sabina y Las Dos Faustinas: La Función de Las Augustas en La Politica Imperial". Studia historica, Historia antigua, 18, 2000, pp. 191–224. Available at [1]. Retrieved January 11, 2017
  27. ^ Plotina may have sought to avoid the fate of her contemporary, former empress Domitia Longina, who had fallen into social and political oblivion: see François Chausson, "Variétés Généalogiques IV:Cohésion, Collusions, Collisions: Une Autre Dynastie Antonine", in Giorgio Bonamente, Hartwin Brandt, eds., Historiae Augustae Colloquium Bambergense. Bari: Edipuglia, 2007, ISBN 978-88-7228-492-6, p.143
  28. ^ Marasco, p. 375
  29. ^ Tracy Jennings, "A Man Among Gods: Evaluating the Signficance of Hadrian's Acts of Deification." Journal of Undergraduate Research: 54. Available at [2] Archived 16 April 2017 at the Wayback Machine.. Accessed April 15, 2017
  30. ^ This made Hadrian the first senator in history to have an Augusta as his mother-in-law, something that his contemporaries could not fail to notice: see Christer Brun, "Matidia die Jüngere", IN Anne Kolb, ed., Augustae. Machtbewusste Frauen am römischen Kaiserhof?: Herrschaftsstrukturen und Herrschaftspraxis II. Akten der Tagung in Zürich 18.-20. 9. 2008. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2010, ISBN 978-3-05-004898-7, p. 230
  31. ^ Robert H. Allen, The Classical Origins of Modern Homophobia, Jefferson: Mcfarland, 2006, ISBN 978-0-7864-2349-1, p. 120
  32. ^ Thorsten Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict. Harvard University Press, 2008, p.170
  33. ^ David L. Balch, Carolyn Osiek, eds., Early Christian Families in Context: An Interdisciplinary Dialogue. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2003, ISBN 0-8028-3986-X, p. 301
  34. ^ Anthony R Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor, p. 54
  35. ^ Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, XI, p. 133
  36. ^ Mackay, Christopher. Ancient Rome: a Military and Political History. Cambridge U. Press: 2007, ISBN 0-521-80918-5, p. 229
  37. ^ Fündling, 335
  38. ^ Gabriele Marasco, ed., Political Autobiographies and Memoirs in Antiquity: A Brill Companion. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-18299-8, p. 375
  39. ^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 3.7
  40. ^ In 23 BC Augustus handed a similar ring to his heir apparent, Agrippa: see Judith Lynn Sebesta, Larissa Bonfante, eds., The World of Roman Costume. University of Wisconsin Press, 1994, p. 78
  41. ^ Fündling, 351
  42. ^ Fündling, 384; Strobel, 401.
  43. ^ John Richardson, "The Roman Mind and the power of fiction" IN Lewis Ayres, Ian Gray Kidd, eds. The Passionate Intellect: Essays on the Transformation of Classical Traditions : Presented to Professor I.G. Kidd. New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1995, ISBN 1-56000-210-7, p. 128
  44. ^ Elizabeth Speller, p. 25
  45. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 80
  46. ^ Stephan Brassloff, "Die Rechtsfrage bei der Adoption Hadrians". Hermes 49. Bd., H. 4 (Sep., 1914), pp. 590–601
  47. ^ The coin legend runs HADRIANO TRAIANO CAESARI; see Roman, Yves, Rémy, Bernard & Riccardi, Laurent:" Les intrigues de Plotine et la succession de Trajan. À propos d'un aureus au nom d'Hadrien César". Révue des études anciennes, T. 111, 2009, no. 2, pp. 508-517
  48. ^ Kennedy, Maev (2008-06-09). "How Victorian restorers faked the clothes that seemed to show Hadrian's softer side". Guardian.co.uk. Retrieved 2008-06-09. 
  49. ^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 6.2
  50. ^ Egyptian papyri tell of one such ceremony betwee n 117 and 118; see Michael Peppard, The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in Its Social and Political Context. Oxford U. Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-19-975370-3, pp. 72f
  51. ^ Royston Lambert, p. 34
  52. ^ Cizek, Eugen. L'éloge de Caius Avidius Nigrinus chez Tacite et le " complot " des consulaires. In: Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé, no. 3, octobre 1980. pp. 276–294. Retrieved June 10, 2015. Available at [3]
  53. ^ a b Elizabeth Speller.
  54. ^ It is likely that Hadrian found Attianus' ambition suspect. Attianus was likely dead, or executed, by the end of Hadrian's reign; see Françoise Des Boscs-Plateaux, Un parti hispanique à Rome?: ascension des élites hispaniques et pouvoir politique d'Auguste à Hadrien, 27 av. J.-C.-138 ap. J.-C. Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2005, ISBN 84-95555-80-8, p. 611
  55. ^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, 55
  56. ^ John Antony Crook, Consilium Principis: Imperial Councils and Counsellors from Augustus to Diocletian. Cambridge University Press: 1955, pp. 54f
  57. ^ Marasco, p. 377
  58. ^ M. Christol & D. Nony, Rome et son Empire. Paris: Hachette, 2003, ISBN 2-01-145542-1, p. 158
  59. ^ Hadrien Bru, Le pouvoir impérial dans les provinces syriennes: Représentations et célébrations d'Auguste à Constantin. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-20363-1, pp. 46f
  60. ^ Carcopino Jérôme. "L'hérédité dynastique chez les Antonins". Revue des Études Anciennes. Tome 51, 1949, no.3–4. pp. 262–321.
  61. ^ Cizek, "L'éloge de Caius Avidius Nigrinus"
  62. ^ Nigrinus' ambiguous relationship with Hadrian would have consequences late in Hadrian's reign, when he had to plan his own succession; see Anthony Everitt, Hadrian and the triumph of Rome. New York: Random House, 2009, ISBN 978-1-4000-6662-9.
  63. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 91
  64. ^ Christol & Nony, p. 158
  65. ^ Richard P. Saller, Personal Patronage Under the Early Empire. Cambridge Un iversity Press: 2002, ISBN 0-521-23300-3, p. 140
  66. ^ Richard A. Bauman, Crime and Punishment in Ancient Rome. London: Routledge, 2002, ISBN 0-203-42858-7, p. 83
  67. ^ Digest, 49 2, I,2, quoted by P.E. Corbett, "The Legislation of Hadrian". University of Pennsylvania Law Review and American Law Register, Vol. 74, No. 8 (Jun., 1926), pp. 753–766
  68. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 88
  69. ^ Christopher J. Fuhrmann, Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0, p. 153
  70. ^ Rose Mary Sheldon, Intelligence Activities in Ancient Rome: Trust in the Gods But Verify. London: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-7146-5480-9, p. 253
  71. ^ Paul Veyne, Le Pain et le Cirque, Paris: Seuil, 1976, ISBN 2-02-004507-9, p. 655
  72. ^ András Mócsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia (Routledge Revivals): A History of the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire, Routledge, 2014 Hadrian
  73. ^ Paul Veyne, " Humanitas: Romans and non-Romans". In Andrea Giardina, ed., The Romans, University of Chicago Press: 1993, ISBN 0-226-29049-2, p. 364
  74. ^ a b Christol & Nony, p. 159
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  76. ^ Simon Goldhill, Being Greek Under Rome: Cultural Identity, the Second Sophistic and the Development of Empire. Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 12 ISBN 0-521-66317-2
  77. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 123
  78. ^ Opper, p. 79
  79. ^ Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, xi, 2
  80. ^ Patrick le Roux, Le haut-Empire romain en Occident d'Auguste aux Sévères. Paris: Seuil, 1998, ISBN 2-02-025932-X, p. 396
  81. ^ Breeze, David J., and Brian Dobson, "Hadrian's Wall: Some Problems", Britannia, Vol. 3, (1972), pp. 182–208
  82. ^ "Britannia on British Coins". Chard. Retrieved 2006-06-25. 
  83. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 145
  84. ^ Potter, David S. (2014). The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180–395. Routledge. p. 77. ISBN 9781134694778. 
  85. ^ Jason König, Katerina Oikonomopoulou, Greg Woolf, eds. Ancient Libraries. Cambridge U. Press: 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-01256-1, page 251
  86. ^ Anthony Everitt, Hadrian and the triumph of Rome.
  87. ^ William E. Mierse, Temples and Towns in Roman Iberia: The Social and Architectural Dynamics of Sanctuary Designs from the Third Century B.C. to the Third Century A.D.. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009, ISBN 0-520-20377-1, page 141
  88. ^ Royston Lambert, pp. 41–2
  89. ^ Anthony Birley, pp. 151–2
  90. ^ The rebuilding continued until late in Hadrian's reign; in 138 a statue of Zeus was erected there, dedicated to Hadrian as Cyrene's "saviour and founder". See E. Mary Smallwood, The Jews Under Roman Rule from Pompey to Diocletian : a Study in Political Relations. Leiden, Brill, 2001, 0-391-04155-X, p. 410
  91. ^ Anthony Birley, pp. 153–5
  92. ^ a b Anthony Birley, pp. 157–8
  93. ^ Royston Lambert, pp. 60–1
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  96. ^ Boatwright, p. 136
  97. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 175–7
  98. ^ Kaja Harter-Uibopuu, "Hadrian and the Athenian Oil Law", in O.M. Van Nijf – R. Alston (ed.), Feeding the Ancient Greek city. Groningen- Royal Holloway Studies on the Greek City after the Classical Age, vol. 1, Louvain 2008, pp. 127–141
  99. ^ Brenda Longfellow, Roman Imperialism and Civic Patronage: Form, Meaning and Ideology in Monumental Fountain Complexes. Cambridge U. Press: 2011, ISBN 978-0-521-19493-8, p. 120
  100. ^ Verhoogen Violette. Review of Graindor (Paul). Athènes sous Hadrien, Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, 1935, vol. 14, no. 3, pp. 926–931. Available at [4]. Retrieved June 20, 2015
  101. ^ Mark Golden, Greek Sport and Social Status, University of Texas Press, 2009, ISBN 978-0-292-71869-2, p. 88
  102. ^ Cynthia Kosso, Anne Scott, eds., The Nature and Function of Water, Baths, Bathing, and Hygiene from Antiquity Through the Renaissance. Leiden: Brill, 2009, ISBN 978-90-04-17357-6, pp. 216f
  103. ^ Alexia Petsalis-Diomidis, Truly Beyond Wonders: Aelius Aristides and the Cult of Asklepios. OUP : 2010, ISBN 978-0-19-956190-2, p. 171
  104. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 177–80
  105. ^ David S. Potter,The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180–395. London: Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-0-415-84054-5, p. 44
  106. ^ Boatwright, p. 134
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  108. ^ K. W. Arafat, p. 185
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  116. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 213–4
  117. ^ Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 215–20
  118. ^ Boatwright, p. 81
  119. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 235
  120. ^ Boatwright, p. 142
  121. ^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, p. 173
  122. ^ Historia Augusta (c. 395) Hadr. 14.5–7
  123. ^ Cassius Dio, LIX.11; Historia Augusta, Hadrian
  124. ^ Tim Cornell, Dr Kathryn Lomas, eds., Bread and Circuses: Euergetism and Municipal Patronage in Roman Italy. London: Routledge, 2003, ISBN 0-415-14689-5, p. 97
  125. ^ Carl F. Petry, ed. The Cambridge History of Egypt, Volume 1. Cambridge University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-521-47137-4, p. 15
  126. ^ Boatwright, p. 150
  127. ^ Anthony Kaldellis, Hellenism in Byzantium: The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical TraditionCambridge U. Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-521-87688-9, p. 38
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  131. ^ Georg Simmel, Sociology: Inquiries into the Construction of Social Forms. Leiden: Brill, 2009, ISBN 978-90-04-17321-7, p. 288
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  133. ^ Nathanael J. Andrade, Syrian Identity in the Greco-Roman World, Cambridge University Press, 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-01205-9, page 177
  134. ^ Andrew M. Smith II, Roman Palmyra: Identity, Community, and State Formation. Oxford University Press: 2013, ISBN 978-0-19-986110-1, page 25; Robert K. Sherk, The Roman Empire: Augustus to Hadrian. Cambridge University Press:1988, ISBN 0-521-33887-5, page 190
  135. ^ Hadrien Bru, Le pouvoir impérial dans les provinces syriennes: Représentations et célébrations d'Auguste à Constantin (31 av. J.-C.-337 ap. J.-C.). Leiden: Brill,2011, ISBN 978-90-04-20363-1, pages 104/105
  136. ^ Laura Salah Nasrallah, Christian Responses to Roman Art and Architecture: The Second-Century Church Amid the Spaces of Empire. Cambridge University Press, 2010 ISBN 978-0-521-76652-4, page 96
  137. ^ Giovanni Battista Bazzana, "The Bar Kokhba Revolt and Hadrian's religious policy", IN Marco Rizzi, ed., Hadrian and the Christians. Berlim: De Gruyter, 2010, ISBN 978-3-11-022470-2, pages 89/91
  138. ^ Bazzana, 98
  139. ^ Cf a project devised earlier by Hellenized Jewish intellectuals such as Philo: see Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians, 4
  140. ^ Emmanuel Friedheim, "Some notes about the Samaritans and the Rabbinic Class at Crossroads" IN Menachem Mor, Friedrich V. Reiterer, eds., Samaritans – Past and Present: Current Studies. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010, ISBN 978-3-11-019497-5, page 197
  141. ^ Peter Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand. Tübingen 1981, pages 29–50.
  142. ^ Chronicle of Jerome, s.v. Hadrian. See: [6] See also Yigael Yadin, Bar-Kokhba, Random House New York 1971, pp. 22, 258
  143. ^ Alexander Zephyr, Rabbi Akiva, Bar Kokhba Revolt, and the Ten Tribes of Israel. Bloomington: iUniverse, 2013, ISBN 978-1-4917-1256-6
  144. ^ Schäfer, Peter (1998). Judeophobia: Attitudes Toward the Jews in the Ancient World. Harvard University Press. pp. 103–105. ISBN 978-0-674-04321-3. Retrieved 2014-02-01. [...] Hadrian's ban on circumcision, allegedly imposed sometime between 128 and 132 CE [...]. The only proof for Hadrian's ban on circumcision is the short note in the Historia Augusta: 'At this time also the Jews began war, because they were forbidden to mutilate their genitals (quot vetabantur mutilare genitalia). [...] The historical credibility of this remark is controversial [...] The earliest evidence for circumcision in Roman legislation is an edict by Antoninus Pius (138–161 CE), Hadrian's successor [...] [I]t is not utterly impossible that Hadrian [...] indeed considered circumcision as a 'barbarous mutilation' and tried to prohihit it. [...] However, this proposal cannot be more than a conjecture, and, of course, it does not solve the questions of when Hadrian issued the decree (before or during/after the Bar Kokhba war) and whether it was directed solely against Jews or also against other peoples. 
  145. ^ Mackay, Christopher. Ancient Rome a Military and Political History: 230
  146. ^ Peter Schäfer, The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Second Jewish Revolt Against Rome Mohr Siebeck, 2003 p. 68
  147. ^ Peter Schäfer, The History of the Jews in the Greco-Roman World: The Jews of Palestine from Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest. Routledge:2003, p. 146
  148. ^ Historia Augusta, Hadrian14.2
  149. ^ Shaye Cohen, From the Maccabees to the Mishnah, Third Edition. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press,2014, ISBN 978-0-664-23904-6, pp. 25–26
  150. ^ Peter Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, Tübingen 1981, pp. 29–50
  151. ^ Possibly the XXII Deiotariana, which according to epigraphy did not outlast Hadrian's reign; see [http://www.livius.org/le-lh/legio/xxii_deiotariana.html livius.org account; however, Peter Schäfer, following Bowersock, finds no traces in the written sources of the purported annihilation of Legio XXII. A loss of such magnitude would have surely been mentioned (Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 14).
  152. ^ Cassius Dio 69, 14.3Roman History. Many Romans, moreover, perished in this war. Therefore Hadrian in writing to the Senate did not employ the opening phrase commonly affected by the emperors[...] 
  153. ^ Daniel R. Schwartz, Zeev Weiss, eds., Was 70 CE a Watershed in Jewish History?: On Jews and Judaism before and after the Destruction of the Second Temple. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-21534-4, page 529, footnote 42
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  157. ^ Geza Vermes, Who's Who in the Age of Jesus, Penguin: 2006, no ISBN given, entry "Hadrian"
  158. ^ Ronald Syme, "Journeys of Hadrian" (1988), pp. 164–9
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  161. ^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 10.3
  162. ^ Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 23.9
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  164. ^ Olivier Hekster, Emperors and Ancestors: Roman Rulers and the Constraints of Tradition. Oxford U. Press: 2015, ISBN 978-0-19-873682-0, pages 140/142
  165. ^ Merlin Alfred. Passion et politique chez les Césars (review of Jérôme Carcopino, Passion et politique chez les Césars). In: Journal des savants. Jan.-Mar. 1958. pp. 5–18. Available at [8]. Retrieved June 12, 2015.
  166. ^ Albino Garzetti, From Tiberius to the Antonines : A History of the Roman Empire AD 14–192. London: Routledge, 2014, p. 699
  167. ^ András Mócsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia (Routledge Revivals): A History of the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire. London: Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-0-415-74582-6, p. 102
  168. ^ Anthony Birley, pp. 289–292.
  169. ^ a b The adoptions: Anthony Birley, pp. 294–5; T.D. Barnes, 'Hadrian and Lucius Verus', Journal of Roman Studies (1967), Ronald Syme, Tacitus, p. 601. Antoninus as a legate of Italy: Anthony Birley, p. 199
  170. ^ Annius Verus was also the step-grandson of the Prefect of Rome, Lucius Catilius Severus, one of the remnants of the all-powerful group of Spanish senators from Trajan's reign. Hadrian would likely have shown some favor to the grandson in order to count on the grandfather's support; for an account of the various familial and marital alliances involved, see Des Boscs-Plateaux, pp. 241, 311, 477, 577; see also Frank McLynn,Marcus Aurelius: A Life. New York: Da Capo, 2010, ISBN 978-0-306-81916-2, p. 84
  171. ^ Anthony Birley, pp. 291–2
  172. ^ Dio 69.17.2
  173. ^ Anthony Birley, p. 297
  174. ^ a b Salmon, 816
  175. ^ Dio 70.1.1
  176. ^ Samuel Ball Platner, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome. Cambridge University Press: 2015, ISBN 978-1-108-08324-9, page 250
  177. ^ Christian Bechtold, Gott und Gestirn als Präsenzformen des toten Kaisers: Apotheose und Katasterismos in der politischen Kommunikation der römischen Kaiserzeit und ihre Anknüpfungspunkte im Hellenismus.V&R unipress GmbH: 2011, ISBN 978-3-89971-685-6, p. 259
  178. ^ Clifford Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000, ISBN 0-520-22067-6, p. 330
  179. ^ W. Den Boer, Some Minor Roman Historians, Leiden: Brill, 1972, ISBN 90-04-03545-1, p. 41
  180. ^ Yann Le Bohec, The Imperial Roman Army. London: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 0-415-22295-8, p. 55
  181. ^ Albino Garzetti, From Tiberius to the Antonines (Routledge Revivals): A History of the Roman Empire AD 14-192. London: Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-1-138-01920-1, p. 381
  182. ^ This partial withdrawal was probably supervised by the governor of Moesia Quintus Pompeius Falco; see Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 84 & 86.
  183. ^ Eutropius' notion that Hadrian contemplated withdrawing from Dacia altogether appears to be unfounded; see Jocelyn M. C. Toynbee, The Hadrianic School: A Chapter in the History of Greek Art. CUP Archive, 1934, 79
  184. ^ Julian Bennett, Trajan-Optimus Priceps. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001, ISBN 0-253-21435-1, p. 165
  185. ^ Opper, Empire and Conflict, p. 67
  186. ^ N. J. E. Austin & N. B. Rankov, Exploratio: Military & Political Intelligence in the Roman World from the Second Punic War to the Battle of Adrianople. London: Routledge, 2002, p. 4
  187. ^ Austin & Rankov, p. 30
  188. ^ Fergus Millar, Rome, the Greek World, and the East: Volume 2: Government, Society, and Culture in the Roman Empire. The University of North Carolina Press, 2005, ISBN 0-8078-2852-1, p. 183
  189. ^ Elizabeth Speller, p. 69
  190. ^ Opper, p. 85
  191. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 209-212
  192. ^ Luttvak, Edward N. The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979, ISBN 0-8018-2158-4, p. 123
  193. ^ Christol & Nony, p. 180
  194. ^ The History of Central Asia: The Age of the Steppe Warriors– Google Knihy. Books.google.cz. December 11, 2012. ISBN 978-1-78076-060-5. Retrieved 2016-09-03. 
  195. ^ Fronto: Selected Letters. Edited by Caillan Davenport & Jenifer Manley, London: AC & Black, 2014, ISBN 978-1-78093-442-6, pp. 184f
  196. ^ Laura Jansen, The Roman Paratext: Frame, Texts, Readers, Cambridge University Press, 2014, ISBN 978-1-107-02436-6 p. 66
  197. ^ Kathleen Kuiper (Editor), Ancient Rome: From Romulus and Remus to the Visigoth Invasion, New York: Britannica Educational Publishing, 2010, ISBN 978-1-61530-207-9 p. 133
  198. ^ A. Arthur Schiller, Roman Law: Mechanisms of Development, Walter de Gruyter: 1978, ISBN 90-279-7744-5 p. 471
  199. ^ a b Salmon, 812
  200. ^ R.V. Nind Hopkins, Life of Alexander Severus, CUP Archive, p. 110
  201. ^ Adolf Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, Volume 43, Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1968, ISBN 0-87169-435-2 p. 650
  202. ^ Salmon, 813
  203. ^ Garnsey, Peter, "Legal Privilege in the Roman Empire", Past & Present, No. 41 (Dec., 1968), pp. 9, 13 (note 35), 16, published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society, Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/650001 (accessed: 03-12-2017 21:20 UTC)
  204. ^ Westermann, 109
  205. ^ Marcel Morabito, Les realités de l'esclavage d'après Le Digeste. Paris: Presses Univ. Franche-C omté, 1981, ISBN 978-2-251-60254-7, p. 230
  206. ^ Donald G. Kyle, Spectacles of Death in Ancient Rome. London: Routledge, 2012, ISBN 0-415-09678-2;William Linn Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1955, p. 115
  207. ^ Digest 48.18.21; quoted by Q.F. Robinson, Penal Practice and Penal Policy in Ancient Rome. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007ISBN 978-0-415-41651-1, p.107
  208. ^ Judith Perkins, Roman Imperial Identities in the Early Christian Era. Abingdon: Routledge, 2009, ISBN 978-0-415-39744-5
  209. ^ Christopher J. Fuhrmann, Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0, p. 102
  210. ^ Digest,, quoted by Paul Du Plessis, Borkowski's Textbook on Roman Law. Oxford University Press, 2015, ISBN 978-0-19-957488-9, p. 95
  211. ^ Peter Schäfer, Judeophobia, 104.
  212. ^ Garzetti, p. 411
  213. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 145
  214. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 108f
  215. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 107
  216. ^ Gradel, Ittai, Emperor Worship and Roman Religion, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2002. ISBN 0-19-815275-2, pp. 194-5.
  217. ^ Howgego, in Howgego, C., Heuchert, V., Burnett, A., (eds), Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces, Oxford University Press, 2005. ISBN 978-0-19-926526-8, pp. 6, 10.
  218. ^ Hadrian's "Hellenic" emotionalism finds a culturally sympathetic echo in the Homeric Achilles' mourning for his friend Patroclus: see discussion in Vout, Caroline, Power and eroticism in Imperial Rome, illustrated, Cambridge University Press, 2007. ISBN 0-521-86739-8, pp. 52–135.
  219. ^ Craig A. Williams, Roman Homosexuality : Ideologies of Masculinity in Classical Antiquity. Oxford University Press: 1999, ISBN 978-0-19-511300-6, pp. 60f
  220. ^ Elsner, pp. 176f
  221. ^ Williams, p. 61
  222. ^ Jás Elsner, Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph, Oxford History of Art, Oxford U.P., 1998, ISBN 0-19-284201-3, p. 183f.
  223. ^ Marco Rizzi, p. 12
  224. ^ see Trevor W. Thompson "Antinoos, The New God: Origen on Miracle and Belief in Third Century Egypt" for the persistence of Antinous's cult and Christian reactions to it. Freely available. The relationship of P. Oxy. 63.4352 with Diocletian's accession is not entirely clear.
  225. ^ Caroline Vout, Power and Eroticism in Imperial Rome. Cambridge University Press; 2007, p. 89
  226. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 127 and 183.
  227. ^ Alessandro Galimberti, "Hadrian, Eleusis, and the beginnings of Christian apologetics" in Marco Rizzi, ed., Hadrian and the Christians. Berlim: De Gruyter, 2010, ISBN 978-3-11-022470-2, pp. 77f
  228. ^ Robert M. Haddad, The Case for Christianity: St. Justin Martyr's Arguments for Religious Liberty and Judicial Justice. Plymouth: Rowman & Littlefield, 2010, ISBN 978-1-58979-575-4, p. 16
  229. ^ It was lost in large part to despoliation by the Cardinal d'Este, who had much of the marble removed to build the Villa d'Este in the 16th century.
  230. ^ Brickstamps with consular dates show that the Pantheon's dome was late in Trajan's reign (115), probably under Apollodorus's supervision: see Ilan Vit-Suzan, Architectural Heritage Revisited: A Holistic Engagement of its Tangible and Intangible Constituents , Farnham: Ashgate, 2014, ISBN 978-1-4724-2062-6, p. 20
  231. ^ Cassius Dio, "Roman History", 69.4, Loeb Classical Library edition, 1925[9]
  232. ^ Juan Gil & Sofía Torallas Tovar, Hadrianus. Barcelona: CSIC, 2010, ISBN 978-84-00-09193-4, p. 100
  233. ^ Direct links to Hadrian's poems in the A.P. with W.R. Paton's translation at the Internet Archive VI 332, VII 674, IX 137, IX 387
  234. ^ T. J. Cornell, ed., The Fragments of the Roman Historians. Oxford University Press: 2013, p. 591
  235. ^ Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, p. 26
  236. ^ Historia Augusta, Hadrian 2.1.
  237. ^ a b c Fox, Robin The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian Basic Books. 2006 p. 574
  238. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 62
  239. ^ The Historia Augusta however claims that "he wore a full beard to cover up the natural blemishes on his face", H.A. 26.1
  240. ^ Robin Lane Fox, The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian. Philadelphia: Basic Books, 2006, ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1, p. 578
  241. ^ For instance, a probably bogus anecdote in Historia Augusta relates that as tribune he had lost a cloak that emperors never wore: Michael Reiche, ed., Antike Autobiographien: Werke, Epochen, Gattungen. Köln: Böhlau, 2005, ISBN 3-412-10505-8, p. 225
  242. ^ Christiane L. Joost-Gaugier, Measuring Heaven: Pythagoras and His Influence on Thought and Art in Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Cornell University Press: 2007, ISBN 978-0-8014-4396-1, p. 177
  243. ^ Historia Augusta, Hadrian Dio 25.9; Antony Birley, p. 301
  244. ^ see e.g.Forty-three translations of Hadrian's "Animula, vagula, blandula ..." including translations by Henry Vaughan, A. Pope, Lord Byron.
  245. ^ A.A.Barb, "Animula, Vagula, Blandula", Folklore, 61, 1950 : "... since Casaubon almost three and a half centuries of classical scholars have admired this poem"
  246. ^ see Note 2 in Emanuela Andreoni Fontecedro's "Animula vagula blandula: Adriano debitore di Plutarco", Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica, 1997
  247. ^ "tales autem nec multo meliores fecit et Graecos", Historia Augusta, ibidem
  248. ^ Russell E. Murphy, Critical Companion to T. S. Eliot: A Literary Reference to His Life and Work, 2007. p.48
  249. ^ Varius multiplex multiformis in the anonymous, ancient Epitome de Caesaribus, 14.6: cf Ronald Syme, among others; see Ando, footnote 172
  250. ^ McLynn, 42
  251. ^ "Wytse Keulen, Eloquence rules: the ambiguous image of Hadrian in Fronto's correspondence". [10] Retrieved February 20, 2015
  252. ^ James Uden (2010). "The Contest of Homer and Hesiod and the ambitions of Hadrian". Journal of Hellenic Studies, 130 (2010), pp. 121-135.[11]. Accessed October 16, 2017
  253. ^ Paul Veyne, L'Empire Gréco-Romain, p. 40
  254. ^ Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 1
  255. ^ Apud Veyne, L'Empire Gréco-Romain, 65
  256. ^ Edward Togo Salmon,A History of the Roman World from 30 B.C. to A.D. 138. London: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-415-04504-5, pp. 314f
  257. ^ Victoria Emma Pagán, A Companion to Tacitus. Malden, MA: John Wiley & Sons, 2012, ISBN 978-1-4051-9032-9, page 1
  258. ^ Marache, R.: R. Syme, Tacitus, 1958. In: Revue des Études Anciennes. Tome 61, 1959, n°1–2. pp. 202–206.available at [12]. Accessed April 30, 2017
  259. ^ Steven H. Rutledge, "Writing Imperial Politics: The Social and Political Background" IN William J. Dominik, ed;, Writing Politics in Imperial Rome Brill, 2009, ISBN 978-90-04-15671-5, p.60
  260. ^ Adam M. Kemezis, "Lucian, Fronto, and the absence of contemporary historiography under the Antonines". The American Journal of Philology Vol. 131, No. 2 (Summer 2010), pp. 285–325
  261. ^ Paul Veyne, L'Empire Gréco-Romain. Paris: Seuil, 2005, ISBN 2-02-057798-4, p. 312. In the French original: de l'Alexandre Dumas, du péplum et un peu d'Ubu Roi.
  262. ^ Danèel den Hengst, Emperors and Historiography: Collected Essays on the Literature of the Roman Empire. Leiden: Brill, 2010, ISBN 978-90-04-17438-2, p. 93
  263. ^ Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History', XI: the High Empire, 70–192 A.D.Cambridge University Press, 2000, ISBN 978-0521263351, p. 132
  264. ^ Mary Taliaferro Boatwright, Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire. Princeton University Press, 2002, pp. 20/26
  265. ^ a b c Anthony R Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor. Abingdon: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 0-415-16544-X, p. 7
  266. ^ Birley, Hadrian: the Restless Emperor, 7: Birley describes the results of Ernst Kornemann's attempt to sift the Historia Augusta biography's facts from its fictions (through textual analysis alone) as doubtful.
  267. ^ Thomas E. Jenkins, Antiquity Now: The Classical World in the Contemporary American Imagination. Cambridge University Press: 2015, ISBN 978-0-521-19626-0, paget121
  268. ^ A'haron Oppenheimer, Between Rome and Babylon: Studies in Jewish Leadership and Society.Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005, ISBN 3-16-148514-9, page 199
  269. ^ Susanne Mortensen: Hadrian. Eine Deutungsgeschichte. Habelt, Bonn 2004, ISBN 3-7749-3229-8
  270. ^ Franco Sartori, "L'oecuménisme d'un empereur souvent méconnu : [review of] M.A. Levi, Adriano, un ventennio di cambiamento". In: Dialogues d'histoire ancienne, vol. 21, no. 1, 1995. pp. 290–297. Available at [13]. Retrieved January 19, 2017
  271. ^ The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian. New York: Basic Books, 2006, ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1, page 4


Primary sources

  • Cassius Dio or Dio Cassius Roman History. Greek Text and Translation by Earnest Cary at internet archive
  • Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Augustan History. Latin Text Translated by David Magie
  • Aurelius Victor, Caesares, XIV. Latin "Caesares: text – IntraText CT". Intratext.com. 2007-05-04. Retrieved 2010-03-13. 
  • Anon, Excerpta of Aurelius Victor: Epitome de Caesaribus, XIII. Latin "Epitome De Caesaribus: text – IntraText CT". Intratext.com. 2007-05-04. Retrieved 2010-03-13. 


  • Eusebius of Caesarea, Church History (Book IV), "Church History". www.newadvent.org. Retrieved 2010-03-13. 
  • Smallwood, E.M, Documents Illustrating the Principates of Nerva Trajan and Hadrian, Cambridge, 1966.

Secondary sources

  • Barnes, T. D. (1967). "Hadrian and Lucius Verus". Journal of Roman Studies. 57 (1/2): 65–79. doi:10.2307/299345. JSTOR 299345. 
  • Birley, Anthony R. (1997). Hadrian. The restless emperor. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-16544-X. 
  • Boatwright, Mary Taliaferro. (2002). Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire. Priceton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-04889-4. 
  • Canto, Alicia M. (2004). "Itálica, patria y ciudad natal de Adriano (31 textos históricos y argumentos contra Vita Hadr. 1, 3". Athenaeum. 92.2: 367–408. Archived from the original on October 15, 2007. 
  • Dobson, Brian (2000). Hadrian's Wall. London: Penguin. 
  • Gibbon, Edward, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. I, 1776. The Online Library of Liberty "Online Library of Liberty – The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. 1". Oll.libertyfund.org. Retrieved 2010-03-13. 
  • Lambert, Royston (1997). Beloved and God: the story of Hadrian and Antinous. London: Phoenix Giants. ISBN 1-85799-944-4. 
  • Speller, Elizabeth (2003). Following Hadrian: a second-century journey through the Roman Empire. London: Review. ISBN 0-7472-6662-X. 
  • Syme, Ronald (1997) [1958]. Tacitus. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-814327-3. 
  • Syme, Ronald (1964). "Hadrian and Italica". Journal of Roman Studies. LIV: 142–9. doi:10.2307/298660. 
  • Syme, Ronald (1988). "Journeys of Hadrian" (PDF). Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik. 73: 159–170. Retrieved 2006-12-12.  Reprinted in Syme, Ronald (1991). Roman Papers VI. Oxford: Clarendon Press. pp. 346–357. ISBN 0-19-814494-6. 

Further reading

  • Danziger, Danny; Purcell, Nicholas (2006). Hadrian's empire : when Rome ruled the world. London: Hodder & Stoughton. ISBN 0-340-83361-0. 
  • Everitt, Anthony (2009). Hadrian and the triumph of Rome. New York: Random House. ISBN 978-1-4000-6662-9. 
  • Gray, William Dodge (1919). "A Study of the life of Hadrian Prior to His Accession". Smith College Studies in History. 4: 151–209. 
  • Gregorovius, Ferdinand (1898). The Emperor Hadrian: A Picture of the Greco-Roman World in His Time. Mary E. Robinson, trans. London: Macmillan. 
  • Henderson, Bernard W. (1923). Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian. London: Methuen. 
  • Ish-Kishor, Sulamith (1935). Magnificent Hadrian: A Biography of Hadrian, Emperor of Rome. New York: Minton, Balch and Co. 
  • Perowne, Stewart (1960). Hadrian. London: Hodder and Stoughton. 

External links

  • Historia Augusta: Life of Hadrian
  • Hadrian coinage
  • Catholic Encyclopedia article
  • Major scultoric find at Sagalassos (Turkey), 2 August 2007 (between 13 and 16 feet in height, four to five meters), with some splendid photos courtesy of the Sagalassos Archaeological Research Project
  • Hadrian, in De Imperatoribus Romanis, Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors

Born: 24 January AD 76 Died: 10 July AD 138
Regnal titles
Preceded by
Roman Emperor
Succeeded by
Antoninus Pius
Political offices
Preceded by
Appius Annius Trebonius Gallus,
and Marcus Appius Bradua

as Ordinary consuls
Suffect consul of the Roman Empire
with Marcus Trebatius Priscus
Succeeded by
Quintus Pompeius Falco,
and Marcus Titius Lustricus Bruttianus

as Suffect consuls
Preceded by
and Gnaeus Minicius Faustinus

as Suffect consuls
Consul of the Roman Empire
with Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator
Bellicius Tebanianus
Gaius Ummidius Quadratus
Succeeded by
Lucius Pompeius Bassus,
and Titus Sabinius Barbarus

as Suffect consuls
Preceded by
Lucius Pompeius Bassus,
and Titus Sabinius Barbarus

as Suffect consuls
Consul of the Roman Empire
with Publius Dasumius Rusticus,
followed by Aulus Platorius Nepos
Succeeded by
Marcus Paccius Silvanus Quintus Coredius Gallus Gargilius Antiquus,
and Quintus Vibius Gallus

as Suffect consuls
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