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General American

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

General American (abbreviated as GA or GenAm) is the umbrella variety of American English—the continuum of accents[1]—commonly attributed to a majority of Americans and popularly perceived, among Americans, as lacking any distinctly regional, ethnic, or socioeconomic characteristics.[2][3][4] The precise definition and usefulness of "General American" continues to be debated,[5][6][7] and the scholars who use it today admittedly do so as a convenient basis for comparison rather than for exactness.[5][8] Some scholars, despite controversy,[9] prefer the term Standard American English.[4][10][11]

Standard Canadian English is sometimes considered to fall under the phonological spectrum of General American,[11] especially rather than the United Kingdom's Received Pronunciation; in fact, spoken Canadian English aligns with General American in nearly every situation where British and American English differ.[12]



The term "General American" was first disseminated by American English scholar George Philip Krapp, who, in 1925, described it as an American type of speech that was "Western" but "not local in character."[13] In 1930, American linguist John Samuel Kenyon, who largely popularized the term, considered it equivalent to the speech of "the North," or "Northern American,"[13] but, in 1934, "Western and Midwestern."[14] Now, typically regarded as falling under the General American umbrella are the regional accents of the American West,[15][16] Western New England,[17] the American North Midland,[18] and arguably all of English-speaking Canada west of Quebec.[11] By 1982, according to British phonetician John C. Wells, two-thirds of the American population spoke with a General American accent.[4]

Once in the earlier 20th century, but no longer included since the 1960s, are the more recent regional dialects of the Mid-Atlantic United States,[19] the Inland Northern United States,[1] and Western Pennsylvania.[19] Accents that have never been included, even since the term's popularization in the 1930s, are the regional accents (especially the "r"-dropping ones) of Eastern New England, New York City, and the American South.[20] By the 2000s, American sociolinguist William Labov concluded that, if anything could be regarded as "General American," it would essentially be a convergence of those pronunciation features shared by Western American English, Midland American English, and Standard Canadian English.[15]

Name and disputed usage

English-language scholar William A. Kretzchmar, Jr. explains in a 2004 article that

The term "General American" arose as a name for a presumed most common or "default" form of American English, especially to be distinguished from marked regional speech of New England or the South. "General American" has often been considered to be the relatively unmarked speech of "the Midwest", a vague designation for anywhere in the vast midsection of the country from Ohio west to Nebraska, and from the Canadian border as far south as Missouri or Kansas. No historical justification for this term exists, and neither do present circumstances support its use... [I]t implies that there is some exemplary state of American English from which other varieties deviate. On the contrary, [it] can best be characterized as what is left over after speakers suppress the regional and social features that have risen to salience and become noticeable.[7]

Because of the privileging and prejudice potentially associated with calling one variety of American speech "General," especially to imply that it is the nation's prestige dialect, Kretzchmar prefers the term Standard American English, claiming it is a more neutral term, describing a level of American English pronunciation "employed by educated speakers in formal settings," while still being variable within the U.S. from place to place, and even from speaker to speaker.[10] However, this term may also be problematic, since "Standard English may be taken to reflect conformance to a set of rules, but its meaning commonly gets bound up with social ideas about how one's character and education are displayed in one's speech."[10] The term Standard North American English, in an effort to incorporate Canadian speakers under the accent continuum, has also been very recently suggested by sociolinguist Charles Boberg.[11]

Modern language scholars discredit the original notions of General American as being a single regional or unified accent, or a standardized form of English[5][8]—except perhaps as used by television networks and other mass media.[1][21] Today, the term is understood to refer to a continuum of American speech, with some slight internal variation,[5] but otherwise characterized by the absence of "marked" pronunciation features: those perceived by Americans as strongly indicative of a fellow American speaker's regional origin, ethnicity, or socioeconomic status. Despite confusion arising from the evolving definition and vagueness of the term "General American" and its consequent rejection by some linguists,[22] the term persists mainly as a reference point to compare a baseline "typical" American English accent with other Englishes around the world (for instance, see: Comparison of General American and Received Pronunciation).[5]

Geographical origins

The major demographic change of twentieth-century American society was increased suburbanization, leading to a decrease in the density and diversity of linguistic interactions as well as a decrease in the mingling of different social classes. This, along with a super-regional marketplace for highly educated Americans (arising from the century's faster transportation), led to the widespread belief that highly educated Americans should not possess a regional accent.[23] A General American sound, then, is the result of both suburbanization and suppression of regional accent by highly educated Americans in formal settings.

Despite the common perception of there being a mainstream American accent that is free of any regional influence or origins, the General American sound system does, in fact, have traceable regional origins: namely, the Northern speech patterns of the non-coastal Eastern United States.[24] This includes interior Pennsylvania, upstate New York, and the adjacent Midwestern region, all prior to the Northern Cities Vowel Shift of the mid-20th century,[1][25] which has, since the middle of the 20th century, begun deviating that region's accent noticeably away from General American sounds amidst the development of a unique Inland Northern accent (often associated with the Great Lakes urban centers, such as Chicago). Likewise, the northwesternmost section of the American "Midwest" has, around the same timeframe, been developing its own unique sound: a distinct North Central accent (often associated with Minnesota, Wisconsin, and North Dakota).

Possibly related to the setting of rhotic General American standards in the national perception was John Samuel Kenyon, the pronunciation editor of the second edition of Webster's New International Dictionary, who is claimed to have based his dictionary's pronunciation standard on his native Midwestern (specifically, northern Ohio) pronunciation.[26] Kenyon's home state of Ohio, far from being an area of "non-regional" English, has emerged now as a crossroads for at least four distinct regional accents, according to late twentieth-century research,[27] and Kenyon himself was vocally opposed to the notion of any supreme standard of American speech.[28]

General American in the media

General American, like the British Received Pronunciation (RP) and the prestige accents of many other societies, has never been the accent of the entire nation, and, unlike RP, does not constitute a homogeneous national standard.

General American is often associated with the speech of North American newscasters and radio and television announcers; this has led General American to being sometimes referred to as a "newscaster accent," "television English", or "Network Standard."[3] General American is commonly promoted as preferable to more evidently regional accents and is regarded as prestigious.[29][30] In the United States, instructional classes promising "accent reduction", "accent modification," or "accent neutralization" usually attempt to teach General American accent patterns. A common experience among many American celebrities is having worked hard to lose their native accents in favor of a more mainstream General American sound, including television journalist Linda Ellerbee (originally, a speaker of Texan English), who stated that "in television you are not supposed to sound like you're from anywhere,"[31] as well as political comedian Stephen Colbert, who completely reduced his South Carolina accent as a child because of the common portrayal of Southerners as stupid on American television.[29][30]



A table containing the consonant phonemes is given below:

Consonant phonemes
Labial Dental Alveolar Post-
Palatal Velar Glottal
Nasal m n ŋ
Stop p b t d k ɡ
Fricative f v θ ð s z ʃ ʒ h
Approximant l ɹ j (ʍ) w
  • Winewhine merger: The consonants spelled w and wh are usually pronounced the same; a separate phoneme /ʍ/ (wh) is present only in certain dialects. /ʍ/ is often analyzed as a consonant cluster of /hw/.
  • Rhoticity (or r-fulness): General American accents are firmly rhotic, pronouncing the r sound in all environments, including after vowels, such as in pearl, car, and court.[32][33] Americans often realize the phoneme /r/ as postalveolar [ɹ̠], as in most varieties of English, but sometimes as retroflex [ɻ].[34] Non-rhotic American accents, those that do not pronounce r in some positions in a word, such as Eastern New England, New York, or African American vernacular accents, are often quickly noticed by General American listeners and perceived to sound especially ethnic, regional, or "old-fashioned" (i.e. local and non-mainstream).[32][35][36]
  • T-glottalization: /t/ is pronounced as a glottal stop [ʔ] before a consonant (such as a syllabic nasal), as in button [ˈbʌʔn], and usually at the end of a word, as in what [wʌʔ].
  • Flapping: /t/ and /d/ become an alveolar flap, written [ɾ], between vowels or liquids (l and r), as in water [ˈwɑɾɚ], party [ˈpʰɑɹɾi], model [ˈmɑɾ.ɫ̩], and what is it? [wʌɾˈɪzɪt].
  • Yod-dropping: After consonants formed with the tongue touching the ridge on the roof of the mouth (alveolar consonants), the historical sound /j/ is most commonly "dropped" or "deleted," so that, for example, new /nju/ becomes [nu], duke /djuk/ becomes [duk], and tube /tjub/ becomes [tʰub].[37]
  • L-velarization: The distinction between a clear l (i.e. [l]) and a dark l (i.e. [ɫ]) in the standard English of England (Received Pronunciation) is mostly absent in General American.[38] Instead, all l sounds are pronounced more or less "dark", which means that they all have some degree of velarization.[39] Some speakers also vocalize /l/ to [ɤ̯] when it appears before /f v/ (and sometimes also /s z/).[40]


Monophthongs of General American, from Wells (1982, p. 486). The exact height of /ɔ/ and backness of /ɑ/ varies from speaker to speaker.
Ranges of the weak vowels in General American and Received Pronunciation. From Wells (2008, p. XXV)
Diphthongs of General American, from Wells (1982, p. 486). The exact height and/or backness of the starting points is somewhat variable.
Wells's vowel phonemes in General American
Front Central Back
lax tense lax tense lax tense
Close ɪ i ʊ u
Mid ɛ ə (ɜ) ɔ
Open æ (ʌ) ɑ
Diphthongs     ɔɪ    
  • The vowels [ə], [ʌ] and [ɜ] may be considered allophones of a single phoneme, since they occur in complementary distribution: [ə] in unstressed syllables (also r-colored [ɚ]), [ʌ] in stressed syllables not before [r], and [ɜ] in stressed syllables before [r] (that is r-colored [ɝ]).[41] In actual General American realization, /ɜr/ as in bird, /ər/ as in letter, and /ʌr/ as in hurry are all pronounced, without much or any distinction, as [ɚ] (or syllabic r) (About this sound listen); so the vowels in further /ˈfɜrðər/ are typically realized with the same segmental quality as [ˈfɚðɚ] (About this sound listen).[42]

The 2006 Atlas of North American English surmises that "if one were to recognize a type of North American English to be called 'General American'" according to data measurements of vowel pronunciations, "it would be the configuration formed by these three" dialect regions: Canada, the American West, and the American Midland.[43] The following charts (as well as the one above) present the vowels that these three dialects encompass as a perceived General American sound system.

Pure vowels

Pure vowels (Monophthongs)
/æ/ [æ][44] bath, trap, yak
[eə~ɛə~æ][45][46] ban, tram, yeah (/æ/ tensing)
/ɑː/ /ɑ/ [ɑ~ä] (About this sound listen)[47] ah, father, spa
/ɒ/ bother, lot, wasp (father–bother merger)
/ɔ/ [ɑ~ɔ̞][47][48] boss, cloth, dog, off (lot–cloth split)
/ɔː/ all, bought, flaunt
/ɛ/ [ɛ][44] dress, met, bread
/ə/ [ə][44] about, syrup, arena
/ɪ/ [ɪ][44] kit, pink, tip
[ɪ̈~ɪ~ə] (About this sound listen)[44] private, muffin, wasted (unstressed /ɪ/ allophone)
/iː/ /i/ [i][44] beam, chic, fleece
[i][44] happy, money, parties (happY tensing)
/ʌ/ [ʌ̈~ɐ] (About this sound listen) bus, flood, what
/ʊ/ [ʊ][44] book, put, should
/uː/ /u/ [u̟~ʊu~ʉu~ɵu] (About this sound listen)[49][50] goose, new, true
/æ/ tensing in North American English[52]
Environment Dialect
Consonant after /æ/ Syllable type Example words New York City & New Orleans Baltimore & Philadelphia Eastern New England General American, Midland U.S., & Western U.S. Canadian, Northwestern U.S., & Upper Midwestern U.S. Southern U.S. & African American Vernacular Great Lakes
/r/ Open [æ] [æ~ɛ(ə)] [ɛ(ə)]
/m/, /n/ Closed [eə] [æ~eə] [æ~ɛə] [ɛ(j)ə~eə] [eə]
Open [æ]
/ɡ/ Closed [eə] [æ] [æ] [æ~e] [æ~ɛ(j)ə]
Open [æ]
/b/, /d/, /dʒ/, /ʃ/, /v/, /z/, /ʒ/ Closed [eə] [æ~ɛə] [æ]
/f/, /s/, /θ/ Closed [eə]
All other consonants [æ]
  • Father–bother merger (/ɒ/[ɑ]): Nearly all American accents merge the broad a in words like spa and ah with the short o of words like spot and odd; therefore, con and khan are homophones in General American.
  • Cot–caught merger in transition: There is no single General American way to pronounce the vowels in words like cot /ɑ/ (the ah or broad a vowel) versus caught /ɔ/ (the aw vowel), largely due to a merger occurring between the two sounds in some parts of North America, but not others. American speakers with a completed merger pronounce the two historically separate vowels with the exact same sound (especially in the West, northern New England, West Virginia, western Pennsylvania, and the Upper Midwest), but other speakers have no trace of a merger at all (especially in the South, the Great Lakes region, southern New England, and the Mid-Atlantic and New York metropolitan areas) and so pronounce each vowel with distinct sounds (About this sound listen).[54] Among speakers who distinguish between the two, the vowel of cot (usually transcribed in American English as [ɑ]), may be a central or advanced back vowel [ä]) or [ɑ̟], while /ɔ/ is pronounced with more rounded lips and/or phonetically higher in the mouth, close to [ɒ] or [ɔ], but with only slight rounding.[47] Among speakers who do not distinguish between the two and are thus said to have undergone the cot–caught merger, /ɑ/ usually remains a back vowel, [ɑ], sometimes showing lip rounding as [ɒ]. Therefore, General American speakers vary greatly with this speech feature, with possibilities ranging from a full merger to no merger at all. In the middle of this range, a transitional stage of the merger is also common in random scatterings throughout the U.S., though especially among younger speakers and most consistently in the Midland region lying between the historical North and South. According to a 2003 dialect survey carried out across the United States, about 61% of participants perceive themselves as keeping the two vowels distinct and 39% do not.[55]
  • Vowel mergers before r (before a vowel): General American participates in some mergers of vowel sounds only when such a vowel occurs before an /r/ sound that is itself followed by another vowel (intervocalic r).
    • Mary–marry–merry merger in transition: According to a 2003 dialect survey of the United States, nearly 57% of participants from around the country merged the sounds /ær/ (as in the first syllable of parish), /ɛr/ (as in the first syllable of perish), and /ɛər/ (as in pear or pair);[56] the merged sound ranges between [ɛɹ] and [ɛːɹ]. The merger is in transition, already complete everywhere except along some areas of the Atlantic Coast.[57]
    • Hurry–furry merger: The pre-r vowels in words like hurry /ʌ/ and furry /ə/ are merged in most General American accents to [ə~ɚ]. Only 10% of English speakers across the U.S. maintain the historic hurry vowel before /r/, according to a 2003 dialect survey.[58]
    • Mirror–nearer merger in transition: The pre-r vowels in words like mirror /ɪ/ and nearer /i/ are merged in some General American accents, usually to [i]. The quality of the historic mirror vowel in miracle is quite variable.[59]
  • Unstressed pure vowels:
    • Weak-vowel merger: [ə] and [ɪ̈] (also transcribed as [ɨ̞] and [ᵻ], the latter being an unofficial IPA extension symbol) are indeterminate vowel sounds that occur only in unstressed syllables of certain types. [ə] is heard, for example, as the a at the beginning of about and at the end of China, as the o in omit, and as the u in syrup. [ɪ̈] is heard as the a in private or cottage, the e in evading or sorted, the i in sordid, the u in minute, or the y in mythologist. However, [ə] and [ɪ̈] frequently overlap and often merge in American accents, especially towards the schwa [ə].
    • Phonetically, the schwa /ə/ (as in COMMA) ranges from close-mid [ɘ] to open-mid [ɜ].[60]
    • In environments in which the tense–lax contrast between the close vowels is neutralized, the phonetic realization of these vowels varies in height between close and close-mid:
      • /i~ɪ/ (as in HAPPY; usually transcribed /i/ even though it is not a phoneme) ranges from close front [i] to close-mid retracted front [];[60]
      • /u~ʊ/ (as in INFLUENCE; usually transcribed /u/ even though it is not a phoneme) ranges from close advanced back [] to close-mid retracted central [ɵ̠].[60]
  • Fronting of short u (/ʌ/[ʌ̈~ɐ]): The vowel /ʌ/ (of strut, luck, rough, what, etc.), is generally near-open and fronted, approaching [ʌ̈~ɐ]; however, it always remains a back vowel before /l/, so that /ʌl/, as in null or skull, becomes [ʌɫ].
  • Fronting of long oo (/u/[u̟]): The vowel /u/ (as in lose, loose, or loot) has a unique quality in the United States (About this sound listen); it tends to be less rounded [u̜] and more fronted [u̟], and perhaps even diphthongized with a somewhat fronter and lower onset; this can be transcribed in a variety of ways.

Gliding vowels

Gliding vowels (diphthongs)
English diaphoneme General American realization Example words
/aɪ/ [äɪ] (About this sound listen)[50] bride, prize, tie
[äɪ~ɐɪ~ʌ̈ɪ][61] bright, price, tyke
/aʊ/ [aʊ~æʊ] (About this sound listen)[44] now, ouch, scout
/eɪ/ [eɪ~ɛ̝ɪ] (About this sound listen)[44] lake, paid, rein
/ɔɪ/ [ɔɪ~oɪ] (About this sound listen)[44] boy, choice, moist
/oʊ/ [oʊ~ɔʊ~ʌʊ] (About this sound listen)[50][62][63] goat, home, toe
  • Raising of the start of the long i sound before voiceless consonants: The long i vowel (/aɪ/), as in pine or pie—pronounced [aɪ] (About this sound listen) in North America—has a starting sound (an "on-glide") in which the tongue is raised towards [ɐɪ] or [ʌ̈ɪ] whenever it appears before a voiceless consonant (such as /t, k, θ, s/, for instance, in pike or python). Because of this sound change, the words rider and writer (About this sound listen) are distinguished by their vowel sounds, even though the letters d and t are both pronounced as an alveolar flap [ɾ]. It also applies across word boundaries, though the position of a word or phrase's stress may prevent the raising from taking place. For instance, a high school in the sense of "secondary school" is generally pronounced [ˈhɐɪskuɫ]; however, a high school in the literal sense of "a tall school" would be pronounced [ˌhaɪˈskuɫ].
This sound change began in the Northern, New England, and Mid-Atlantic regions of the country,[64] and is becoming more common. This is one of the two types of so-called Canadian raising, even though it occurs in the U.S. as well as in Canada.

R-colored vowels

R-colored vowels
English diaphoneme General American realization Example words
/ɑːr/ [ɑɹ] (About this sound listen)[44] barn, car, park
/ɛər/ [ɛɹ] (About this sound listen)[44] bare, bear, there
/ɜːr/ [ɚ] (About this sound listen)[44] burn, doctor, first,
herd, learn, murder
/ɪər/ [iɹ~ɪɹ] (About this sound listen)[44] fear, peer, tier
/ɔːr/ [ɔɹ~oɹ] (About this sound listen)[44] horse, storm, war
/ɔər/ hoarse, store, wore
/ʊər/ [ʊɹ~oɹ~ɔɹ] (About this sound listen) moor, poor, tour
/jʊər/ [jʊɹ~jɚ] (About this sound listen) cure, Europe, pure
  • Horse–hoarse merger (/ɔr/ + /ɔər/[ɔɹ]): As in most modern varieties of English around the world, words like war and wore are pronounced the same in General American English. Words with these r-colored vowels, such as north and horse, are usually transcribed /nɔɹθ/ and /hɔɹs/, but may be closer in General American English to [no̞ɹθ] and [ho̞ɹs].[65] Thus, in these cases, the [ɔ] before /ɹ/ can be analyzed as an allophone of /o/.
  • The vowel sounds of both /ɜr/ (/ɝ/) and /ər/ (/ɚ/) are neutralized, resulting in both pronounced as [ɚ] (About this sound listen); so the vowels in further /ˈfɜrðər/ are typically realized with the same segmental quality as [ˈfɚðɚ] (About this sound listen).[42]
  • "Short o" before r before a vowel: In typical North American accents (U.S. and Canada alike), the phoneme ɒr (a short o sound followed by r and then another vowel, as in orange, forest, moral, and warrant) is realized as [oɹ~ɔɹ], thus further merging with the already-merged /ɔr/–/ɔər/ (horsehoarse) set. In the U.S., four words (tomorrow, sorry, sorrow, borrow and, for some speakers, morrow) usually contain the sound [ɑɹ] instead, and merge with the /ɑr/ set (thus, sorry and sari become homophones, both rhyming with starry).[47]
General American /ɒr/ and /ɔr/ followed by a vowel, compared with other dialects
Pronounced [ɒɹ] in RP and [ɑɹ~ɒɹ] in eastern coastal American English Pronounced [ɔːɹ] in RP and eastern coastal American English
Pronounced [ɔɹ] in Canadian English
Pronounced [ɒɹ~ɑɹ] in General American Pronounced [ɔɹ] in General American
only these four or five words:
borrow, sorry, sorrow, tomorrow (morrow)
Words containing /ɒr-/:
corridor, euphoric, foreign, forest, Florida, historic, horrible, majority, minority, moral, orange, Oregon, origin, porridge, priority, quarantine, quarrel, sorority, warranty, warren, warrior (etc.)
Words containing /ɔːr-/ or /ɔər-/:
aura, boring, choral, deplorable, flooring, flora, glory, hoary, memorial, menorah, orient, Moorish, oral, pouring, scorer, storage, story, Tory, warring (etc.)

See also


  1. ^ a b c d Wells (1982), p. 470.
  2. ^ Van Riper (2014), pp. 123.
  3. ^ a b Kövecses, Zoltán (2000). American English. An Introduction. Peterborough, Canada: Broadview Press. pp. 81-2.
  4. ^ a b c Wells (1982), p. 34.
  5. ^ a b c d e Wells (1982), p. 118.
  6. ^ Van Riper (2014), pp. 124, 126.
  7. ^ a b Kortmann (2004), p. 262.
  8. ^ a b Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 263.
  9. ^ Van Riper (2014), pp. 125–6.
  10. ^ a b c Kortmann (2004), p. 257.
  11. ^ a b c d Boberg, Charles (2004). "Standard Canadian English." In Raymond Hickey. Standards of English: Codified Varieties Around the World. Cambridge University Press. p. 159.
  12. ^ Wells (1982), p. 491.
  13. ^ a b Van Riper (2014), p. 124.
  14. ^ Van Riper (2014), p. 125.
  15. ^ a b Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 146.
  16. ^ Van Riper (2014), p. 130.
  17. ^ Van Riper (2014), pp. 128, 130.
  18. ^ Van Riper (2014), pp. 129–130.
  19. ^ a b Van Riper (2014), pp. 128–9.
  20. ^ Van Riper (2014), pp. 123, 129.
  21. ^ Labov, William (2012). Dialect diversity in America: The politics of language change. University of Virginia Press. pp. 1-2.
  22. ^ Van Riper (2014), p. 129.
  23. ^ Kortmann (2004), p. 260-262.
  24. ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 190.
  25. ^ "Talking the Tawk". The New Yorker. Condé Nast. 2005. 
  26. ^ Seabrook (2005).
  27. ^ Hunt, Spencer (2012). "Dissecting Ohio's Dialects". The Columbus Dispatch. GateHouse Media, Inc.
  28. ^ Hampton, Marian E. & Barbara Acker (eds.) (1997). The Vocal Vision: Views on Voice. Hal Leonard Corporation. p. 163.
  29. ^ a b Gross, Terry (January 24, 2005), "A Fake Newsman's Fake Newsman: Stephen Colbert", Fresh Air, National Public Radio, retrieved 2007-07-11 
  30. ^ a b Safer, Morley (August 13, 2006), The Colbert Report: Morley Safer Profiles Comedy Central's 'Fake' Newsman, 60 Minutes, retrieved 2006-08-15 
  31. ^ You Know What The Midwest Is? 
  32. ^ a b Plag, Ingo; Braun, Maria; Lappe, Sabine; Schramm, Mareile (2009). Introduction to English Linguistics. Walter de Gruyter. p. 53. ISBN 978-3-11-021550-2. Retrieved 4 July 2013. 
  33. ^ Collins, Beverley; Mees, Inger M. (2002). The Phonetics of Dutch and English (PDF) (5 ed.). Leiden/Boston: Brill Publishers. p. 178. 
  34. ^ Hallé, Best & Levitt (1999:283) citing Delattre & Freeman (1968), Zawadzki & Kuehn (1980), and Boyce & Espy-Wilson (1997)
  35. ^ Collins, Beverley; Mees, Inger M. (2002). The Phonetics of Dutch and English (PDF) (5 ed.). Leiden/Boston: Brill Publishers. pp. 181, 306. 
  36. ^ Wolchover, Natalie (2012). "Why Do Americans and Brits Have Different Accents?" LiveScience. Purch.
  37. ^ Wells (1982), p. 247.
  38. ^ Grzegorz Dogil, Susanne Maria Reiterer, and Walter de Gruyter, eds. (2009). Language Talent and Brain Activity: Trends in Applied Linguistics. Walter de Gruyter GmbH. p. 299. ISBN 978-3-11-021549-6. 
  39. ^ Jones, Roach & Hartman (2006), p. xi.
  40. ^ Rogers (2000), pp. 120–121.
  41. ^ Wells (1982), pp. 121, 132, 480.
  42. ^ a b Wells (1982), p. 121.
  43. ^ Labov et al. (144)
  44. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Kortmann (2004), pp. 263–4.
  45. ^ Labov et al. (2006), p. 180.
  46. ^ Kortmann (2004), pp. 315, 340.
  47. ^ a b c d Wells (1982), p. 476.
  48. ^ Wells (1982), p. 145.
  49. ^ Kortmann & Boberg (2004), pp. 154, 343, 361.
  50. ^ a b c Heggarty, Paul et al., eds. (2015). "Accents of English from Around the World". Retrieved 24 September 2016. See under "Std US + ‘up-speak’" 
  51. ^ Boberg, Charles (Spring 2001). "Phonological Status of Western New England." American Speech, Volume 76, Number 1. pp. 3-29 (Article). Duke University Press. p. 11: "The vowel /æ/ is generally tensed and raised [...] only before nasals, a raising environment for most speakers of North American English."
  52. ^ Labov, William; Ash, Sharon; Boberg, Charles (2006). The Atlas of North American English. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 182. ISBN 3-11-016746-8. 
  53. ^ Trager, George L. (1940) One Phonemic Entity Becomes Two: The Case of 'Short A' in American Speech: 3rd ed. Vol. 15: Duke UP. 256. Print.
  54. ^ Labov (2006), p. 61.
  55. ^ Vaux, Bert and Scott Golder (2003). "Do you pronounce 'cot' and 'çaught' the same?" The Harvard Dialect Survey. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.
  56. ^ Vaux, Bert and Scott Golder (2003). "How do you pronounce Mary / merry / marry?" The Harvard Dialect Survey. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.
  57. ^ Kortmann (2004), p. 295.
  58. ^ Vaux, Bert and Scott Golder (2003). "flourish." The Harvard Dialect Survey. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.
  59. ^ Vaux, Bert and Scott Golder (2003). "the first vowel in "miracle"." The Harvard Dialect Survey. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.
  60. ^ a b c Wells (2008), p. XXV.
  61. ^ Boberg, Charles (2010). The English Language in Canada: Status, History and Comparative Analysis. Cambridge University Press. p. 156. ISBN 978-1-139-49144-0. 
  62. ^ Kortmann (2004), p. 343.
  63. ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 104.
  64. ^ Labov et al. (2006:114): "where Canadian raising has traditionally been reported: Canada, Eastern New England, Philadelphia, and the North"
  65. ^ Wells (1982), p. 479.


  • Boyce, S.; Espy-Wilson, C. (1997). "Coarticulatory stability in American English /r/". Journal of the Acoustical Society of America. 101 (6): 3741–3753. Bibcode:1997ASAJ..101.3741B. PMID 9193061. doi:10.1121/1.418333. 
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Further reading

  • Jilka, Matthias. "North American English: General Accents" (PDF). Stuttgart: Institut für Linguistik/Anglistik, University of Stuttgart. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 April 2014. 

External links

  • The CMU Pronouncing Dictionary
  • 'Hover & Hear' pronunciations in a General American accent, and compare side by side with other English accents from the US and around the World.
  • Hollywords Audiovisual Industry Dictionary Project Style Guide (Includes pronunciation guides based on the American Broadcast English (ABE) accent)
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